Bill Totten's Weblog

Wednesday, November 30, 2005

Don't Despair about the Supreme Court

It's Not up to the Court

by Howard Zinn

The Progressive (November 2005)


John Roberts sailed through his confirmation hearings as the new Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, with enthusiastic Republican support, and a few weak mutterings of opposition by the Democrats. Then, after the far right deemed Harriet Miers insufficiently doctrinaire, Bush nominated arch conservative Samuel Alito to replace Sandra Day O'Connor. This has caused a certain consternation among people we affectionately term "the left".

I can understand that sinking feeling. Even listening to pieces of Roberts's confirmation hearings was enough to induce despair: the joking with the candidate, the obvious signs that, whether Democrats or Republicans, these are all members of the same exclusive club. Roberts's proper "credentials", his "nice guy" demeanor, his insistence to the Judiciary Committee that he is not an "ideologue" (can you imagine anyone, even Robert Bork or Dick Cheney, admitting that he is an "ideologue"?) were clearly more important than his views on equality, justice, the rights of defendants, the war powers of the President.

At one point in the hearings, The New York Times reported, Roberts "summed up his philosophy". He had been asked, "Are you going to be on the side of the little guy?" (Would any candidate admit that he was on the side of "the big guy"? Presumably serious "hearings" bring out idiot questions.)

Roberts replied: "If the Constitution says that the little guy should win, the little guy's going to win in court before me. But if the Constitution says that the big guy should win, well, then the big guy's going to win, because my obligation is to the Constitution."

If the Constitution is the holy test, then a justice should abide by its provision in Article VI that not only the Constitution itself but "all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the Supreme Law of the Land". This includes the Geneva Convention of 1949, which the United States signed, and which insists that prisoners of war must be granted the rights of due process.

A district court judge in 2004 ruled that the detainees held in Guantanamo for years without trial were protected by the Geneva Convention and deserved due process. Roberts and two colleagues on the Court of Appeals overruled this.

There is enormous hypocrisy surrounding the pious veneration of the Constitution and "the rule of law". The Constitution, like the Bible, is infinitely flexible and is used to serve the political needs of the moment. When the country was in economic crisis and turmoil in the Thirties and capitalism needed to be saved from the anger of the poor and hungry and unemployed, the Supreme Court was willing to stretch to infinity the constitutional right of Congress to regulate interstate commerce. It decided that the national government, desperate to regulate farm production, could tell a family farmer what to grow on his tiny piece of land.

When the Constitution gets in the way of a war, it is ignored. When the Supreme Court was faced, during Vietnam, with a suit by soldiers refusing to go, claiming that there had been no declaration of war by Congress, as the Constitution required, the soldiers could not get four Supreme Court justices to agree to even hear the case. When, during World War I, Congress ignored the First Amendment's right to free speech by passing legislation to prohibit criticism of the war, the imprisonment of dissenters under this law was upheld unanimously by the Supreme Court, which included two presumably liberal and learned justices: Oliver Wendell Holmes and Louis Brandeis.

It would be naive to depend on the Supreme Court to defend the rights of poor people, women, people of color, dissenters of all kinds. Those rights only come alive when citizens organize, protest, demonstrate, strike, boycott, rebel, and violate the law in order to uphold justice.

The distinction between law and justice is ignored by all those Senators - Democrats and Republicans - who solemnly invoke as their highest concern "the rule of law". The law can be just; it can be unjust. It does not deserve to inherit the ultimate authority of the divine right of the king.

The Constitution gave no rights to working people: no right to work less than twelve hours a day, no right to a living wage, no right to safe working conditions. Workers had to organize, go on strike, defy the law, the courts, the police, create a great movement which won the eight-hour day, and caused such commotion that Congress was forced to pass a minimum wage law, and Social Security, and unemployment insurance.

The Brown decision on school desegregation did not come from a sudden realization of the Supreme Court that this is what the Fourteenth Amendment called for. After all, it was the same Fourteenth Amendment that had been cited in the Plessy case upholding racial segregation. It was the initiative of brave families in the South - along with the fear by the government, obsessed with the Cold War, that it was losing the hearts and minds of colored people all over the world - that brought a sudden enlightenment to the Court.

The Supreme Court in 1883 had interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment so that nongovernmental institutions - hotels, restaurants, et cetera - could bar black people. But after the sit-ins and arrests of thousands of black people in the South in the early Sixties, the right to public accommodations was quietly given constitutional sanction in 1964 by the Court. It now interpreted the interstate commerce clause, whose wording had not changed since 1787, to mean that places of public accommodation could be regulated by Congressional action and be prohibited from discriminating.

Soon this would include barbershops, and I suggest it takes an ingenious interpretation to include barbershops in interstate commerce.

The right of a woman to an abortion did not depend on the Supreme Court decision in Roe vs Wade. It was won before that decision, all over the country, by grassroots agitation that forced states to recognize the right. If the American people, who by a great majority favor that right, insist on it, act on it, no Supreme Court decision can take it away.

The rights of working people, of women, of black people have not depended on decisions of the courts. Like the other branches of the political system, the courts have recognized these rights only after citizens have engaged in direct action powerful enough to win these rights for themselves.

This is not to say that we should ignore the courts or the electoral campaigns. It can be useful to get one person rather than another on the Supreme Court, or in the Presidency, or in Congress. The courts, win or lose, can be used to dramatize issues.

On St Patrick's Day, 2003, on the eve of the invasion of Iraq, four anti-war activists poured their own blood around the vestibule of a military recruiting center near Ithaca, New York, and were arrested. Charged in state court with criminal mischief and trespassing (charges well suited to the American invaders of a certain Mideastern country), the St Patrick's Four spoke their hearts to the jury. Peter DeMott, a Vietnam veteran, described the brutality of war. Danny Burns explained why invading Iraq would violate the UN Charter, a treaty signed by the United States. Clare Grady spoke of her moral obligations as a Christian. Teresa Grady spoke to the jury as a mother, telling them that women and children were the chief victims of war, and that she cared about the children of Iraq. Nine of the twelve jurors voted to acquit them, and the judge declared a hung jury. (When the federal government retried them on felony conspiracy charges, a jury in September acquitted them of those and convicted them on lesser charges.)

Still, knowing the nature of the political and judicial system of this country, its inherent bias against the poor, against people of color, against dissidents, we cannot become dependent on the courts, or on our political leadership. Our culture - the media, the educational system - tries to crowd out of our political consciousness everything except who will be elected President and who will be on the Supreme Court, as if these are the most important decisions we make. They are not. They deflect us from the most important job citizens have, which is to bring democracy alive by organizing, protesting, engaging in acts of civil disobedience that shake up the system. That is why Cindy Sheehan's dramatic stand in Crawford, Texas, leading to 1,600 anti-war vigils around the country, involving 100,000 people, is more crucial to the future of American democracy than the mock hearings on Justice Roberts or the ones to come on Judge Alito.

That is why the St Patrick's Four need to be supported and emulated. That is why the GIs refusing to return to Iraq, the families of soldiers calling for withdrawal from the war, are so important.

That is why the huge peace march in Washington on September 24 bodes well.

Let us not be disconsolate over the increasing control of the court system by the right wing.

The courts have never been on the side of justice, only moving a few degrees one way or the other, unless pushed by the people. Those words engraved in the marble of the Supreme Court, "Equal Justice Before the Law", have always been a sham.

No Supreme Court, liberal or conservative, will stop the war in Iraq, or redistribute the wealth of this country, or establish free medical care for every human being. Such fundamental change will depend, the experience of the past suggests, on the actions of an aroused citizenry, demanding that the promise of the Declaration of Independence - an equal right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness - be fulfilled.

http://progressive.org/mag_zinn1105


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Tuesday, November 29, 2005

How Much Energy Do We Have?

Are there enough renewables to keep the lights on?
The answer will be comforting to no one.

by George Monbiot

Published in the Guardian (November 29 2005)



In one respect, Simon Jenkins is right. "Nobody", he complained in the Guardian last week, while laying out his case for nuclear power, "agrees about figures" {1}. As a result, "energy policy is like Victorian medicine, at the mercy of quack remedies and snake-oil salesmen".

There is a reason for this. As far as I can discover, reliable figures for the total volume of electricity that renewable power could supply do not yet exist. As a result, anyone can claim anything, and anyone does. The enthusiasts for renewables insist that the entire economy - lights, heating, cars and planes - can be powered from hydrogen produced by wind. The nuclear evangelists maintain, in Jenkins's words, that "even if every beauty spot in Britain were coated in windmills their contribution to the Kyoto target would be minuscule". All of us are groping around in the dark.

So though this is not a scientific journal, and though I am not qualified to do it, I am going to attempt a rough first draft, which I hope will be challenged and refined by people with better credentials. Some of my assumptions are generous, others are conservative. This will be far from definitive and, I am afraid, quite complex, but at least, on the day the government's energy review is announced, we will have something to argue about.

The UK currently has an installed electricity generating capacity of 77 billion watts {2}. Demand for electricity peaks on winter evenings between 5 and 7 pm, when we use some 61.7 billion watts {3}. A recent report by Oxford University's Environmental Change Institute estimates that if we do everything possible to improve energy efficiency in the home and install mini-wind turbines and small "combined heat and power" boilers, we could reduce our demand from big power plants by 25 billion watts, or forty percent, by 2050 {4}.

I haven't been able to find a comparable study for offices and industry, so my first leap of faith is to assume that the same cut can be applied across the economy. This is likely to be generous. It is now clear that 2050 is too late: drastic cuts - eighty to ninety percent - in greenhouse gases need to be made by 2030. So my second assumption is that the forty percent cut can be evenly spread across time: that we can, in other words, reduce peak electricity demand by 22% by 2030. This means that it falls by 13.6 billion watts, to 48.1.

Because wind doesn't blow consistently, wind power cannot replace fossil fuels watt for watt. A paper published in the journal Energy Policy estimates that 26 billion watts of installed wind capacity (which could meet about twenty percent of current electricity demand) would replace 5 billion watts of fossil fuel plant {5}. Graham Sinden at Oxford University has shown that a more reliable mixture - 43% wind, 52% wave and 5% tidal stream power - could, at the same volume, replace 8 billion watts of coal or gas {6}.

The National Grid company tells me that wind power could directly deliver "at least twenty percent" of our electricity and remain "economically feasible" {7}. Assuming that the same can be said of Graham Sinden's mixture, 20 billion watts of installed renewable capacity will mop up twenty percent of our reduced demand (48.1 billion watts), displacing 6.2 billion watts of conventional power plant. This leaves us with 41.9 to find.

Figures from the Energy Technology Support Unit at Harwell suggest that if you build only in places with an average windspeed of at least seven metres per second, and keep out of national parks, areas of outstanding natural beauty, nature reserves and towns and villages, you could produce a maximum of 58,000 billion watt-hours per year of electricity from onshore wind (a watt-hour is an hour of electricity delivered at a rate of one watt). If you build only in shallow water with a firm seabed, out of the path of migrating birds and military exercises, and where grid connections are available, you could generate 100,000 billion watt-hours of electricity from offshore wind {8}. These estimates are probably conservative, as wind turbines are already bigger than the researchers envisaged.

The same study estimated that 53,000 billion watt-hours can be produced from wave power and 36,000 from tidal stream machines. A House of Lords committee reports that it might be possible to generate 24,000 billion watt-hours from tidal lagoons {9}. I won't count electricity from sunlight, because it's expensive and isn't produced when we need it most. This means that if we used all the available sources of variable renewable power in the UK, we could produce 271,000 billion watt-hours of electricity per year.

We have already used up 20 billion watts of installed renewable capacity. Assuming that renewable power is thirty percent efficient, we can multiply 20 by 8760 (the number of hours in the year) and 0.3, to make 52,600 billion watt-hours. Subtract this from 271,000 and we are left with 218,400.

Now here comes the biggest leap of faith. I am going to assume that by 2030 a cost-effective energy storage technology has been developed which has a fifty percent efficiency. The most likely technologies are hydrogen (which can be burnt in gas turbine engines) or a battery system like the one envisaged in the UK's Regenesys project, which was scrapped last year. Either one would add considerably to the costs of power generation, so investors are likely to become interested only if gas prices keep rising (which is likely) and nuclear operators are forced to carry their own insurance costs (which is unlikely). But if either the market or the government swung behind energy storage, then something like half the output from our variable power sources could be turned into a reliable supply of electricity. That means 109,000 billion watt-hours.

To this we could add 17,000 billion watt-hours from willow plantations grown on the farmland currently under set-aside {10}, 6,000 billion watt-hours from farm and forestry waste, 6,000 from hydro power and 5,000 from landfill gas {11}, to give a total for reliable electricity generation from renewables of 143,000 billion watt-hours. Assuming very conservatively that this is evenly distributed across the year (in reality much of it can be held over to meet peak demand), and that at any one time 85% of it is available, this gives us 19 billion watts of installed capacity. We needed 41.9, so our shortfall is some 23 billion watts at peak demand, and 34.8 billion watts of total capacity. (The need for spare capacity could be greatly reduced if we managed demand rather than supply, as the great free-thinker on energy systems, Walt Patterson, has suggested) {12}.

This is more than the apostles of renewable energy were hoping to see, but much less than the nuclear proselytes have predicted. It suggests that we could cut our demand for fossil fuel without building new nuclear power stations. But it is still too much: even 23 billion watts will help to cook the planet. So the choice then comes down to this: we make up the shortfall either with nuclear power, as Simon Jenkins suggests, or with gas or coal accompanied by carbon burial (pumping the carbon dioxide into salt aquifers or old gas fields). The first option means uranium mining, nuclear waste and the threat of proliferation and terrorism. The second means insecurity (gas) or open-cast mining and air pollution (coal) and a risk (though probably quite small) of carbon seepage.

Neither option, in other words, looks pretty. I fear I have succeeded not only in writing the densest column the Guardian has ever published, but also in demonstrating that this problem is harder to solve than I had hoped. Is there someone out there who can prove me wrong?

George Monbiot will be speaking at the Climate March on Saturday. For details see http://www.campaigncc.org/.

www.monbiot.com

References:

1. Simon Jenkins, 23rd November 2005. At last Blair seems to see that our future is nuclear. The Guardian.

2. Eg http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/uk.html

3. Brenda Boardman et al. 40% House. The Environmental Change Institute, University of Oxford.

4. ibid.

5. Lewis Dale et al, 2004. Total cost estimates for large-scale wind scenarios in UK. Energy Policy no 32, pp 1949-1956.

6. Graham Sinden, 2005. Wind power and diversified renewable energy portfolios. Presentation to the Carbon Trust.

7. Email from Chris Mostyn, Media Relations Manager, the National Grid.

8. Energy Technology Support Unit, 1999. New and renewable energy: prospects in the UK for the 21st century - supporting analysis. ETSU, Harwell.

9. House of Lords Science and Technology Committee, 15th July 2004. Renewable Energy: Practicalities. Volume I: Report. (it gives an installed capacity of 4.5 billion watts, and a capacity factor of 61% ).

10. Jim Watson et al., April 2002. Renewable Energy and Combined Heat and Power Resources in the UK. Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research Working Paper 22.

11. Energy Technology Support Unit, ibid.

12. Walt Patterson, 2003. Keeping The Lights On: Working Papers 1-3. The Royal Institute of International Affairs.

http://www.monbiot.com/archives/2005/11/29/how-much-energy-do-we-have-/

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Monday, November 28, 2005

Not Everyone Felt That Way

by Tim Wise

ZNet Commentary (September 12 2005)



When I was a kid, I remember my maternal grandmother defending Richard Nixon for the crimes of Watergate, because, as she put it: "He didn't do anything any worse than what every other President did". Knowing, even at six, that this was hardly a morally compelling justification for one's actions, even if true, I recall how it infuriated me to hear it over and over again, whenever politics were discussed in my grandparent's home.

Little did I realize that such obfuscation was hardly unique to certain members of my family. Indeed, throughout the years, it seemed like whenever Watergate came up in conversation (as it would for a long time after 1974, and Iran/Contra after that), someone would pull out this same canard, repeating with the precision of an atomic clock, that "so-and-so didn't do anything that every other President/Senator/Congressman, or whatever, didn't also do". And invariably, those who would say these things were always staunch supporters of whatever asshole was being criticized: whether it was Nixon, Reagan, or Bill Clinton.

It's almost as if stupid arguments spread by osmosis, or some such thing. So we end up with people who have never met each other, nonetheless miraculously spewing the same apologetics, as if they had gotten some kind of memo instructing them on what to say whenever one of their personal heroes stepped in it.

So too, the oft-heard argument that one shouldn't be too harsh on this nation's founders, or other early USAmerican Presidents, when it comes to slaveholding, or involvement in Indian genocide, because, after all, they were "products of their time", and shouldn't be judged by the moral standards of the modern world.

I heard this one again recently, after an article of mine hit the Internet, in which I discussed, among other things, the depredations of Andrew Jackson: one of this nation's premier Indian killers.

The person who wrote to attack me as a "PC liberal" who "hates America", insisted that Jackson, and others like Thomas Jefferson shouldn't be evaluated on the basis of today's moral "underpinnings". And as with every other instance in which something like this has been said to me, in this case too, the comment was made absent any awareness on the part of its author, as to the position's utter absurdity.

The most infuriating thing about the "men of their times" defense, is that by insisting Jackson, Jefferson and the rest were in line with the standards accepted by all in their day, apologists ignore, in a blatantly racist fashion, that to the blacks being enslaved, or the Indians being killed, slavery and genocide were hardly acceptable.

In other words, the "everybody back then felt that way" argument assumes that the feelings of non-whites don't count. Some folks always knew mass murder and land theft were wrong: namely, the victims of either. That lots of white folks didn't, hardly acquits them in this instance. It's not as if the human brain was incapable of recognizing the illegitimacy of killing and enslavement.

Secondly, beliefs that killing and stealing are wrong hardly emerged in the 20th or 21st centuries. Indeed, the very people who suggest we should cut the founders slack because of the standards of their day, are overwhelmingly the kind of Bible-thumping conservatives who insist morality is timeless, and who clamor for the posting of the Ten Commandments in the public square for this very reason. Yet they appear to have forgotten that among those Commandments (which were not, after all, handed down to Billy Graham in the 1950s, but rather to someone else a wee bit earlier) are prohibitions against murder and theft.

In other words, the founders don't merely offend by today's moral standards; they offended by the moral standards set in place at least by the time of Moses.

But there's something else troubling about this kind of argument: the kind that seeks to paper over past crimes against humanity by insisting we can't hold old timers to today's standards (as if today's standards were really all that much better when it came to justifying war, racism and oppression).

Namely, despite the apparent belief to the contrary, there were also whites in Jackson's time, and before, who opposed the extermination of native peoples, and who supported the abolition of slavery - and not only on grounds of political pragmatism but morality as well.

In other words, even using the fundamentally racist limitation suggested by the apologists as to whose views mattered, it is simply not the case that all whites stood behind racist land grabs, killings and the ownership of other human beings. Thus, Jackson, Jefferson, and whomever else one cares to mention can hardly seek refuge in the notion of a universal white morality either.

That the apologist (and for that matter, most everyone else) knows little of this history is as tragic as it is infuriating. Because the history of white dissent from the crimes of our kinfolk is so rarely told, too many of us become invested in a view of history that is thoroughly bound up with the narratives and interpretations of elites. So not only is the history we remember a white history, it is a very specific, narrow and cramped white history at that: one that normalizes contributing to the death and destruction of racial others as something quintessentially white, perhaps even the essence of whiteness.

Ironically, this kind of historical understanding is itself racist on two levels then: first and foremost, because it erases the non-white perspective, and secondly because it implies that the white perspective is only that of racism; in other words, it suggests that to be white is to be racist, inherently, almost biologically perhaps, (and to forcelose the possibility of turning against racism).

More than that, the argument even suggests that to be white is, by definition, to be a willing contributor to genocide, and to have no choice in the matter; no human agency to go in a different direction. The argument of the apologist, for this reason, denigrates whites as well.

Is it any wonder that with such a stunted understanding of what it means (or can mean) to be a person of European descent, that so few whites think antiracism their struggle? Is it any wonder that whites who have never been exposed to antiracist white history can't then see any alternative to going along with the system as they've inherited it, all the while making excuses about how "that's just how our people have always thought?"

But of course there is another history, and however much white antiracism has been trumped quantitatively by white racism and supremacy, it is still vital to learn of this history, so as to put an end to the excuse making for those who chose to oppress others, as well as to point to a different set of role models whose vision young whites might choose to follow.

We could begin with Bartolome de Las Casas, a priest who traveled with Columbus, and after witnessing the cruelty meted out against the Taino (Arawak) Indians by the "peerless" explorer (who we are still taught to venerate in this culture), turned against the genocidal activities of the Spanish crown and spoke and wrote eloquently in opposition to them.

That we know of Columbus, but that most have never heard the name of Las Casas is because of a choice we have made to highlight the one and ignore the other. That Las Casas existed gives the lie to the argument that Columbus can be excused based on the standards of his day.

We could follow up then with the group of whites in the Georgia territory, who, in 1738, petitioned the King of England to disallow the introduction of slavery there, because they considered it morally repugnant and "shocking" to the conscience. The existence of these whites gives the lie to the argument that slavers in the 18th century can be excused based on the standards of their day.

We could then discuss the ways in which colonial elites actually passed laws to punish whites for running away and joining Indian communities: a move they felt compelled to take only because this kind of emigration from whiteness happened so often that it was perceived as a threat.

In other words, it can hardly be claimed that anti-Indian sentiment was "just the way everyone felt", if indeed many whites ran away to live among Indians, and had to then be compelled to stop on pain of imprisonment or even the death penalty in some colonies.

Likewise, the lack of anti-black racism among most of the white working class in the 1600s, and the recognition on the part of working class, landless white peasants that they had more in common with black slaves than European elites, led those elites to pass laws specifically designed to divide and conquer the class-based coalitions that were beginning to emerge.

Why would that have been necessary, if anti-black racism was already a universally accepted ideology, to which all whites adhered, and for which whites like Jefferson should be excused?

Or what of iconic USAmerican heroes like Thomas Paine, the famous pamphleteer and author of Common Sense, who (as Robert Jensen points out in his upcoming book, The Heart of Whiteness) was an ardent abolitionist, and who condemned so-called Christians for their support of the slave system?

Or Alexander Hamilton, who freed the slaves that became his after marriage, and started the New York Manumission Society. Surely Jefferson and Washington were familiar with Hamilton, to put it mildly, and his example gives the lie to the argument that they can be excused because of the standards of their day, which, after all, was his day too.

Or William Shreve Bailey, of Kentucky, who advocated for the total and immediate abolition of slavery, and who was harassed in the mid-1800s for his opposition to the Fugitive Slave Act, and for operating an abolitionist paper in the heart of a Southern slave state. That Bailey existed gives the lie to the notion that Southern slaveowners and defenders of slavery can be excused, because, after all, "that's just how everyone felt back then".

Or Ohio politician Charles Anderson who spoke out against what he called the "myth of Anglo-Saxon supremacy", as well as the material manifestations of that myth, including slavery and conquest of much of Mexico in the 1840s.

Or John Fee (also a Kentuckian as with Bailey), who was a radical abolitionist preacher, dismissed from his pastor's position by the Presbyterian Synod for refusing to minister to slaveholders, and who helped to found interracial Berea College in 1858.

Or the celebrated writer, Helen Hunt Jackson, who railed against Indian genocide and the repeated violation of treaties made with Indian nations by the US Government.

Or Robert Flournoy, a Mississippi planter who quit the Confederate army, and encouraged blacks to flee to Union soldiers: an act for which he was arrested. Flournoy, whose name is known by almost no one it seems, also published a newspaper called Equal Rights, and pushed for school desegregation at Ole Miss a century before it would finally happen.

Or George Cable, born to a wealthy family, who became one of the nation's most celebrated writers at one time, and whose classic, The Silent South, inveighed against the reestablishment of white supremacy in the wake of emancipation.

Or George Henry Evans, leader of the Workingmen's Party, who published a newspaper defending Nat Turner's rebellion at a time when most whites viewed Turner's insurrection as among the most vile acts imaginable. That Evans existed gives the lie to the notion that whites can be forgiven for their racism at that time, and in that place.

Or for that matter, poets like James Russell Lowell, or intellectuals like Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson, or William Lloyd Garrison, or the Grimke sisters. The list, however much longer it should be, is far longer than most probably realize. And every single one of them gives the lie to the apologists' position: that somehow the morals of the day excuse the racist depredations of people like Andrew Jackson.

To be sure, not every one of these persons was free of racist sentiment, and not all of them opposed both slavery and Indian genocide (some, rather, chose to focus their ire on one or the other), but all of them suggest that there was not only one way of thinking about either of those subjects, even among whites, to say nothing, of course, of Indians or African Americans themselves.

To accept the idea that the nation's founders should only be judged by the moral standards of their own time is to ignore that there has been no single set of morals accepted by all, at any point in history.

The victims of human cruelty have always known that what was being done to them was wrong, and have resisted oppression with all their might. As well, some among the class of perpetrators have seen clearly to this fundamental truth. And their lives, and perspectives give the lie to the arguments of those who would rather excuse murderers than praise and emulate true heroes.


Tim Wise is the author of White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son (Soft Skull Press, 2005) and Affirmative Action: Racial Preference in Black and White (Routledge, 2005). He can be reached at timjwise@msn.com and his website is www.timwise.org. Hate mail, while neither desired nor appreciated, will be graded for content, form and grammar.

http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2005-09/12wise.cfm

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Sunday, November 27, 2005

A News Revolution Has Begun

If you want to know the truth about Iraq, join the millions who have given up on the silences of the mainstream media.

by John Pilger

New Statesman (November 28 2005)



The Indian writer Vandana Shiva has called for an "insurrection of subjugated knowledge". The insurrection is well under way. In trying to make sense of a dangerous world, millions of people are turning away from the conventional sources of news and information and to the world wide web, convinced that mainstream journalism is the voice of rampant power. The great scandal of Iraq has accelerated this. In the United States, several senior broadcasters have confessed that had they challenged and exposed the lies told about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, instead of amplifying and justifying them, the invasion might not have happened.

Such honesty has yet to cross the Atlantic. Since it was founded in 1922, the BBC has served to protect every British establishment during war and civil unrest. "We" never traduce and never commit great crimes. So the omission of shocking events in Iraq - the destruction of cities, the slaughter of innocent people and the farce of a puppet government - is routinely applied.

A study by the Cardiff School of Journalism found that ninety percent of the BBC's references to Saddam Hussein's WMDs suggested he possessed them and that "spin from the British and US governments was successful in framing the coverage". The same "spin" has ensured, until now, that the use of banned weapons by the Americans and British in Iraq has been suppressed as news.

An admission by the US State Department on 10 November that its forces had used white phosphorus in Fallujah followed "rumours on the internet", according to the BBC's Newsnight.

There were no rumours. There was first-class investigative work that ought to shame well-paid journalists. Mark Kraft of http://insomnia.livejournal.com found the evidence in the March-April 2005 issue of Field Artillery magazine and other sources. He was supported by the work of the film-maker Gabriele Zamparini, founder of the excellent site www.thecatsdream.com .

Last May, David Edwards and David Cromwell of www.medialens.org posted a revealing correspondence with Helen Boaden, the BBC's director of news. They had asked her why the BBC had remained silent on known atrocities committed by the Americans in Fallujah. She replied, "Our correspondent in Fallujah at the time [of the US attack], Paul Wood, did not report any of these things because he did not see any of these things". It is a statement to savour. Wood was "embedded" with the Americans. He interviewed none of the victims of US atrocities, nor un-embedded journalists. He not only missed the Americans' use of white phosphorus, which they now admit, he reported nothing of the use, in Fallujah, of another banned weapon, napalm. Thus, BBC viewers were unaware of the fine words of Colonel James Alles, commander of the US Marine Air Group XI. "We napalmed both those [bridge] approaches", he said. "Unfortunately, there were people there ... you could see them in the cockpit video ... It's no great way to die. The generals love napalm. It has a big psychological effect."

Once the unacknowledged work of Kraft and Zamparini had appeared in the Guardian and Independent and forced the Americans to come clean about white phosphorus, Wood was on Newsnight describing their admission as "a public relations disaster for the US". This echoed Menzies Campbell of the Liberal Democrats, perhaps the most quoted politician since Gladstone, who said: "The use of this weapon may technically have been legal, but its effects are such that it will hand a propaganda victory to the insurgency".

The BBC and most of the political and media establishment invariably cast such a horror as a public relations problem while minimising the crushing of a city the size of Leeds, the killing and maiming of countless men, women and children, the expulsion of thousands and the denial of medical supplies, food and water - a major war crime. The evidence is voluminous, provided by refugees, doctors, human rights groups and a few courageous foreigners whose work appears only on the internet. In April last year, Jo Wilding, a young British law student, filed a series of extraordinary eyewitness reports from inside the city. So fine are they, I have included one of her pieces in an anthology of the best investigative journalism {1}. Her film, A Letter to the Prime Minister, made inside Fallujah with Julia Guest, has not been shown on British television. In addition, Dahr Jamail, an independent Lebanese-American journalist who has produced some of the best front-line reporting I have read, described all the "things" the BBC failed to "see". His interviews with doctors, local officials and families are on the internet, together with the work of those who have exposed the widespread use of uranium-tipped shells, another banned weapon, and cluster bombs, which Campbell would say are "technically legal". Try these websites: www.dahrjamailiraq.com, www.zmag.org, www.antiwar.com, www.truthout.com, www.indymedia.org.uk, www.informationclearinghouse.info, www.counterpunch.org, www.voicesuk.org. There are many more.

"Each word", wrote Jean-Paul Sartre, "has an echo. So does each silence."

{1} Tell Me No Lies: Investigative Journalism and Its Triumphs, edited by John Pilger, is published by Vintage

Copyright New Statesman 1913 - 2005

http://www.newstatesman.com/200511280013


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Saturday, November 26, 2005

"This Earth is Precious"

In 1854, the "Great White Chief" in Washington made an offer for a large part of Indian land and promised a "reservation" for the Indian people. Chief Seattle's reply, published here in full, has been described as the most beautiful and profound statement on the environment ever made.

How can you buy or sell the sky, the warmth of the land? The idea is strange to us.

If we do not own the freshness of the air and the sparkle of the water, how can you buy them?


All Sacred

Every part of this earth is sacred to my people. Every shining pine needle, every sandy shore, every mist in the dark woods, every clearing and humming insect is holy in the memory and experience of my people. The sap which courses through the trees carries the memories of the red man. The white man's dead forget the country of their birth when they go to walk among the stars. Our dead never forget this beautiful earth, for it is the mother of the red man. We are part of the earth and it is part of us. The perfumed flowers are our sisters; the deer, the horse, the great eagle, these are our brothers. The rocky crests, the juices in the meadows, the body heat of the pony, and man - all belong to the same family.



Not Easy

So, when the Great Chief in Washington sends word that he wishes to buy our land, he asks much of us. The Great Chief sends word he will reserve us a place so that we can live comfortably to ourselves. He will be our father and we will be his children. So we will consider your offer to buy our land. But it will not be easy. For this land is sacred to us. This shining water that moves in the streams and rivers is not just water but the blood of our ancestors. If we sell you land, you must remember that it is sacred, and you must teach your children that it is sacred and that each ghostly reflection in the clear water of the lakes tells of events and memories in the life of my people. The water's murmur is the voice of my father's father.



All Sacred

The rivers are our brothers, they quench our thirst. The rivers carry our canoes, and feed our children. If we sell you our land, you must remember, and teach your children, that the rivers are our brothers, and yours, and you must henceforth give the rivers the kindness you would give any brother. We know that the white man does not understand our ways. One portion of land is the same to him as the next, for he is a stranger who comes in the night and takes from the land whatever he needs.

The earth is not his brother, but his enemy, and when he has conquered it, he moves on. He leaves his father's graves behind, and he does not care. He kidnaps the earth from his children, and he does not care. His father's grave, and his children's birthright, are forgotten. He treats his mother, the earth, and his brother, the sky, as things to be bought, plundered, sold like sheep or bright beads. His appetite will devour the earth and leave behind only a desert.

I do not know. Our ways are different from your ways. The sight of your cities pains the eyes of the red man. But perhaps it is because the red man is a savage and does not understand.

There is no quiet place in the white man's cities. No place to hear the unfurling of leaves in spring, or the rustle of an insect's wings. But perhaps it is is because I am a savage and do not understand.

The clatter only seems to insult the ears. And what is there to life if a man cannot hear the lonely cry of the whippoorwill or the arguments of the frogs around a pond at night? I am a red man and do not understand. The Indian prefers the soft sound of the wind darting over the face of a pond, and the smell of the wind itself, cleaned by a midday rain, or scented with the pinon pine.


Precious

The air is precious to the red man, for all things share the same breath - the beast, the tree, the man, they all share the same breath..

The white man does not seem to notice, the air he breathes. Like a man dying for many days, he is numb to the stench.

But if we sell you our land, you must remember that the air is precious to us, that the air shares its spirit with all the life it supports. The wind that gave our grandfather his first breath also receives his last sigh. And if we sell you our land, you must keep it apart and sacred, as a place where even the white man can go to taste the wind that is sweetened by the meadow's flowers.


One Condition

So we will consider your offer to buy our land. If we decide to accept, I will make one condition: the white man must treat the beasts of this land as his brothers. I am a savage and I do not understand any other way. I have seen a thousand rotting buffaloes on the prairie, left by the white man who shot them from a passing train. I am a savage and I do not understand how the smoking iron horse can be more important than the buffalo that we kill only to stay alive. What is man without the beasts? If all the beasts were gone, man would die from a great loneliness of spirit. For whatever happens to the beasts, soon happens to man. All things are connected.


The Ashes

You must teach your children that the ground beneath their feet is the ashes of your grandfathers. So that they will respect the land, tell your children that the earth is rich with the lives of our kin. Teach your children what we have taught our children, that the earth is our mother. Whatever befalls the earth befalls the sons of the earth. If men spit upon the ground, they spit upon themselves. This we know: the earth does not belong to man; man belongs to the earth. This we know.

All things are connected like the blood which unites one family. All things are connected. Whatever befalls the earth befalls the sons of the earth. Man did not weave the web of life: he is merely a strand in it. Whatever he does to the web, he does to himself. Even the white man, whose God walks and talks with him as friend to friend, cannot be exempt from the common destiny.

We may be brothers after all.

We shall see.

One thing we know, which the white man may one day discover - our God is the same God. You may think now that you own Him as you wish to own our land; but you cannot. He is the God of man, and His compassion is equal for the red man and the white. This earth is precious to Him, and to harm the earth is to heap contempt on its Creator. The whites too shall pass; perhaps sooner than all other tribes. Contaminate your bed, and you will one night suffocate in your own waste. But in your perishing you will shine brightly, fired by the strength of the God who brought you to this land and for some special purpose gave you dominion over this land and over the red man.

That destiny is a mystery to us, for we do not understand when the buffalos are all slaughtered, the wild horses are tamed, the secret corners of the forest heavy with scent of many men, and the view of the ripe hills blotted by talking wires.

Where is the thicket? Gone.

Where is the eagle? Gone.

The end of living and the beginning of survival.

http://www.ens.gu.edu.au/aes1161/earthprecious.htm

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Friday, November 25, 2005

Thanksgiving 2005

by Gary Olson

ZNet Commentary (November 25 2004)

As a child I understood how to give; I have forgotten this grace since I became civilized. (Chief Luther Standing Bear, Oglala Sioux)


I always experience mixed feelings about Thanksgiving. I appreciate that harvest festivals of gratitude go back to the ancient Greeks, Chinese, Hebrews and Egyptians and we know that Native Americans observed these harvest celebrations throughout the year. On the other hand, I'm mindful of Jon Stewart's sardonic quip, "I celebrated Thanksgiving in an old-fashioned way. I invited everyone in my family over to my house, we had an enormous feast, and then I killed them and took their land."

Last Thanksgiving, members of my family paused at the graves of Native Americans in God's Acre cemetery in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania's historic district. It seemed an appropriate spot to ponder the land grab, ethnic cleansing, and mass explusion of the "wild savage" Native-American Indian nations by the "civilized" European colonizers.

History records that after the English torched a Pequot village and killed men, women and children, the Protestant ultra fundamentalist, Cotton Mather, approvingly proclaimed, "It was supposed that no less than 600 Pequot souls were brought down to hell that day". And in his Thanksgiving sermon, delivered in Plymouth in 1623, Mather the Elder "gave thanks for the devastating plague of smallpox which wiped out the majority of the Wampanoag Indians who had been their primary benefactors". Mather praised God for destroying "chiefly the young men and children ..." Historian V G Kiernan recounts that in 1648 Dutch colonists initiated the practice of offering bounties for Delaware Indian scalps, women included.

Material gain always assumed a larger role than accorded in our national creation myths. Recall that Jamestown wasn't founded by the English state, but at the behest of English financial speculators. And John Steele Gordon reminds us in his Empire of Wealth, "The early Puritan merchants would often write, at the head of their ledgers, 'In the name of God and profits'".

In any event, we know that in short order the New England Indians were decimated or sold into slavery by the Puritans. Toward that end, the English adopted terrorism as their favorite tactic against the Pequots in what is now Conneticut. Through a combination of violence and a smallpox epidemic, the Indian population of North America itself was reduced from ten million (some recent estimates are considerably higher) to less than one million.

In retrospect, Sitting Bull, Geronimo and Crazy Horse embodied the territory's fledgling "Department of Homeland Security". As the t-shirt featuring a picture of Indian warriors proclaims, "Fighting Terrorism since 1492". Surely, Native-Americans observing a traditional Thanksgiving would be like African-Americans celebrating Founder's Day of the Ku Klux Klan. In that vein, while every school child hears the legend of the Pilgrims stepping ashore at Plymouth Rock in 1620, how many learn that in 1619, the first African captives were sold to North American colonists at Jamestown?

Note: Some whites always opposed both Indian genocide and slavery. Although largely absent from our history books, their heroic behavior against injustice is also part of America's legacy, the part we should gratefully celebrate. {1}

What about today? As I write this, the Iraq war continues as approach the 2,100 mark in returning coffins we're discouraged from viewing. Again this year, loved ones will experience the pain of permanently empty places at Thanksgiving dinners across our land. While in Iraq there have been upwards of 35,000 funerals since the US invasion in March 2003. Although centuries apart, there's more than a thread of continuity between the colonization of this country and the unspeakable violence visited on Iraqis.

"Welcome to Injun Country", is the military's greeting for new arrivals in Iraq. And this grotesque parallel was unwittingly highlighted by the Pentagon when it labeled an attack against Iraqi resistance fighters as "Operation Plymouth Rock". Is expansion in service to an inexorable profit motive the common demoninator joining both eras? Indian land then, Iraqi oil now. The First Americans understood the Cree Indian Prophecy that

Only after the last tree has been cut down;
Only after the last fish has been caught;
Only after the last river has been poisoned;
Only then will you realize that money cannot be eaten.



So yes, next Thursday I'll delight in spending time with family and friends while acknowledging a multitude of blessings. But none of this will be remotely associated with a storybook "First Thanksgiving" and its possible manifestations in Iraq today. I'll recall Nez Perce Chief Joseph's eloquent plea, "I hope that no more groans of wounded men and women will ever go to the ear of the Great Spirit Chief above, and that all people may be one people".

I'll be grateful that more and more Americans oppose an immoral war based on a pack of lies; grateful the curtain is being lifted on the realities of corporate globalization; proud that in stark contrast to the government's despicable betrayal, our citizens manifested such magnificent solidarity, compassion, and love toward Katrina's victims.

Finally I'll appreciate that recent events allow Americans to connect the dots among racism, war, social injustice and environmental degredation; grateful for what I sense is a rare defining moment for national renewal and a communion of commitment on behalf of fundamental social transformation. These are not insignificant gifts for which to offer a form of grace.


Gary Olson is chair of the Political Science Department at Moravian College in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. olson@moravian.edu


{1} See Tim Wise, "Not Everyone Felt That Way", ZNet Commentary (September 14 2005) http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2005-09/12wise.cfm


http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2005-11/21olson.cfm


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Thursday, November 24, 2005

The Real Story of Thanksgiving

by Susan Bates

Alternative Press Review (November 23 2005)


Most of us associate the holiday with happy Pilgrims and Indians sitting down to a big feast. And that did happen - once.

The story began in 1614 when a band of English explorers sailed home to England with a ship full of Patuxet Indians bound for slavery. They left behind smallpox which virtually wiped out those who had escaped. By the time the Pilgrims arrived in Massachusetts Bay they found only one living Patuxet Indian, a man named Squanto who had survived slavery in England and knew their language. He taught them to grow corn and to fish, and negotiated a peace treaty between the Pilgrims and the Wampanoag Nation. At the end of their first year, the Pilgrims held a great feast honoring Squanto and the Wampanoags.

But as word spread in England about the paradise to be found in the new world, religious zealots called Puritans began arriving by the boat load. Finding no fences around the land, they considered it to be in the public domain. Joined by other British settlers, they seized land, capturing strong young Natives for slaves and killing the rest. But the Pequot Nation had not agreed to the peace treaty Squanto had negotiated and they fought back. The Pequot War was one of the bloodiest Indian wars ever fought.

In 1637 near present day Groton, Connecticut, over 700 men, women and children of the Pequot Tribe had gathered for their annual Green Corn Festival which is our Thanksgiving celebration. In the predawn hours the sleeping Indians were surrounded by English and Dutch mercenaries who ordered them to come outside. Those who came out were shot or clubbed to death while the terrified women and children who huddled inside the longhouse were burned alive. The next day the governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony declared "A Day Of Thanksgiving" because 700 unarmed men, women and children had been murdered.

Cheered by their "victory", the brave colonists and their Indian allies attacked village after village. Women and children over fourteen were sold into slavery while the rest were murdered. Boats loaded with a many as 500 slaves regularly left the ports of New England. Bounties were paid for Indian scalps to encourage as many deaths as possible.

Following an especially successful raid against the Pequot in what is now Stamford, Connecticut, the churches announced a second day of "thanksgiving" to celebrate victory over the heathen savages. During the feasting, the hacked off heads of Natives were kicked through the streets like soccer balls. Even the friendly Wampanoag did not escape the madness. Their chief was beheaded, and his head impaled on a pole in Plymouth, Massachusetts - where it remained on display for 24 years.

The killings became more and more frenzied, with days of thanksgiving feasts being held after each successful massacre. George Washington finally suggested that only one day of Thanksgiving per year be set aside instead of celebrating each and every massacre. Later Abraham Lincoln decreed Thanksgiving Day to be a legal national holiday during the Civil War - on the same day he ordered troops to march against the starving Sioux in Minnesota.

This story doesn't have quite the same fuzzy feelings associated with it as the one where the Indians and Pilgrims are all sitting down together at the big feast. But we need to learn our true history so it won't ever be repeated. Next Thanksgiving, when you gather with your loved ones to Thank God for all your blessings, think about those people who only wanted to live their lives and raise their families. They, also took time out to say "thank you" to Creator for all their blessings.

It is sad to think that this happened, but it is important to understand all of the story and not just the happy part. Today the town of Plymouth Rock has a Thanksgiving ceremony each year in remembrance of the first Thanksgiving. There are still Wampanoag people living in Massachusetts. In 1970, they asked one of them to speak at the ceremony to mark the 350th anniversary of the Pilgrim's arrival. Here is part of what was said:

"Today is a time of celebrating for you - a time of looking back to the first days of white people in America. But it is not a time of celebrating for me. It is with a heavy heart that I look back upon what happened to my People. When the Pilgrims arrived, we, the Wampanoags, welcomed them with open arms, little knowing that it was the beginning of the end. That before fifty years were to pass, the Wampanoag would no longer be a tribe. That we and other Indians living near the settlers would be killed by their guns or dead from diseases that we caught from them. Let us always remember, the Indian is and was just as human as the white people.

Although our way of life is almost gone, we, the Wampanoags, still walk the lands of Massachusetts. What has happened cannot be changed. But today we work toward a better America, a more Indian America where people and nature once again are important."

http://www.altpr.org/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=530&mode=nocomments&order=0&thold=0


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Wednesday, November 23, 2005

Dig for Victory

Having an allotment is no longer a tiresome hobby practised by old geezers in wellies and donkey jackets. It's an insurance policy against an uncertain future, as the author has found out for himself over the last three years.

by Paul Kingsnorth

The Ecologist (November 2005)



The best thing that happened to me this summer was thirteen inches long and bright yellow. And boy, was it worth the wait.

I've been trying to grow sweetcorn on my allotment for three years and it's never worked before. I planted the seeds, I watered and tended them, I fed them and after three months of it, in high summer, the cobs were always white, rubbery and completely inedible. They 'hadn't pollinated', I was told, knowingly, by old men wearing gumboots and sly smiles.

But not this year. This time, for whatever reason, I got it right. I carted home my freshly-picked cobs in triumph, tossed them into a pan of water (boil for ten minutes, no salt) and then ate them, with butter and pepper. There was no doubt in my mind that they were the best sweetcorn I had ever tasted, and probably the best sweetcorn ever grown by human hands.

Growing your own food does this to you. It instils such a sense of pride that digging up your potatoes becomes something akin to attending the birth of your first child (only less messy). And the sweetcorn was only the best bit. This year, my allotment also yielded a basket of fantastically tasty peas, three varieties of carrot, fresh cherry tomatoes (red and gold), garlic, strawberries, raspberries, several different types of lettuce, runner beans, French beans, broad beans, red onions, brown onions, yellow courgettes, green courgettes, beetroot (white and red) potatoes (three varieties, including my favourite, the weird-looking knobbly Pink Fir Apple) and pumpkin.

Much of this is still in my freezer. One of the pumpkins became last night's dinner (the best soup I've ever had, too, now that I think about it). Meanwhile, still in the ground, to tide me over for the winter, are dozens of leeks, 10 broccoli plants and two lines of parsnips. All this is organic, all of it was grown from seed by yours truly, and all of it tastes a zillion times better than anything you can buy in the shops.

Three years ago, though, things were very different. I knew nothing about growing food. I had never grown anything at all, in fact, with the exception of a few herbs in a window box once - an experiment which ended when my flatmate accidentally nudged it two storeys down into the street below. I had no idea how to make a bean frame or what a 'mulch' was. Like most other people, I bought my vegetables from the shops. I had friends who had allotments, but far from persuading me to join in, their constant wittering about which varieties of leek they grew and precisely how they made compost made me determined never to become an allotment bore. And why bother anyway when Tesco is just round the corner?


Seeing the light

Curiously enough, it took a Brazilian peasant to change my mind. Three years ago, in the process of researching a book on the anti-globalisation movement, I found myself in the wide fields of southern Brazil, touring a rural settlement with a farmer called Osmar. Osmar was a member of the Movimento Sem Terra, the landless workers movement, which has been resettling landless people on unused land all over Brazil for twenty years, giving them new life and new hope in the process. I had met dozens of people like Osmar, stayed with them, toured their land, seen the work they had put into it and the pride it had given them - and tasted the results.

Now Osmar, with his thumbs hooked into his belt, was gazing out across his pumpkin field as the dusk began to gather over the blue tin roof of his house.

'Every man', he said to me, simply, 'should have a piece of land'. I don't quite know why, but his words stuck with me. When I got back home six months later, one of the first things I did was apply for an allotment.

It didn't take me long to find one. I paid my rent, signed my name and stood, thumbs hooked into my belt, proudly surveying my 300 square yards. It was smothered in brambles and grass. Not just any grass, either, it turned out, but a persistent perennial weed known as 'couch grass' that I still haven't managed to beat back properly three years later. No one had used the plot for years. It was a disaster. What the hell was I supposed to do with it? I felt like giving up before I started.

My knowledge was basic in the extreme:
I knew if you put seeds in soil and added water, they grew


Getting started

But I didn't. I organised with the allotment society to get my plot ploughed up by the council's rotivator (for free), bought myself a book called The Vegetable Expert (Expert Books, 1985) and got stuck in. My knowledge at this stage was basic in the extreme: I knew that if you put seeds in soil and added water, they grew. That was it. It was going to be a steep learning curve. But if Osmar could do it, I told myself, so could I. In any case, I remembered my granddad's allotment; he and his dad had plots side by side, which they used to grow potatoes and beans and escape from their wives. Maybe it ran in the family. There was only one way to find out.

In many ways it was a freak of history that I was able to do this at all. Allotments are a uniquely British institution - like the House of Lords or the monarchy, only less embarrassing and considerably more useful. They date back to the parliamentary Enclosure Acts of the 18th century, which enclosed vast amounts of common land used by the poor and gave it over to wealthy landowners for grazing. As a result, vast numbers of the rural poor were forced to move to the burgeoning cities to work in the factories and mills of the new industrial revolution. But the numbers of people in the cities quickly outstripped the amount of food available to feed them, and hunger and even rebellion threatened.


Every man should have some land

The solution? Parliament decided to 'allot' every worker a piece of land on which to grow their own food. From the mid-Nineteenth Century until the late 20th Century, various acts of parliament granted the right of allotment to ordinary people - you and me - in both town and country. Today, every local council is obliged by law to offer allotment gardens for public use at very low rent (mine costs me GBP 16 a year).

All excellent stuff - but also, surely, redundant? People may have needed land to grow their own food during the Enclosures; or, of course, during the Second World War when the famous 'Dig For Victory' campaign made the allotments of Britain thrive like never before. But today? With supermarket shelves bristling with out of season fruit and veg every day of the year? With most of it fairly cheap? With a global economy providing us more variety than the average 19th Century turnip muncher could have dreamed of? Why grub about in the mud when you can pop into Asda and get a pack of baby sweetcorn for a quid?

The reasons, of course, are many. For a start, growing your own food is immensely personally satisfying. It's also healthy, both when you eat the results and when you expend sweat in digging and hoeing. It's cheaper, by far, to grow vegetables than to buy them - though it takes more time, of course.


Ready for the future

But there's a bigger reason too - for things are changing out there, faster than we possibly realise. The global economy that brings us all this 'cheap' food from afar looks increasingly like it is built on sand. It is certainly reliant on oil, and oil, as last month's Ecologist explained, is not going to last forever. Insecure supplies, terrorism, travails in the Middle East and, of course, climate change, are going to make our reliance on the black stuff seem very tenuous in the very near future. The era of cheap oil is very probably over, and as it ends, the supposedly unbreakable supply chains that bring food to our tables will begin to collapse, or at the very least become much more expensive. Cheap veg, like cheap petrol, is very probably on the way out. Under these circumstances, growing your own begins to seem a very smart move indeed.

Allotmenteering, in other words, is no longer a tiresome hobby practised by old geezers in wellies and donkey jackets; it's an insurance policy against an uncertain future.

My steep learning curve turned out not to be as painful as I thought it might be. That first year, I got a fair bit of ground cleared, weeded and dug over, and began, with the help of my trusty book, to start planting things. Easy things, I thought, for starters: potatoes, courgettes, and carrots. In they went and amazingly, a few weeks later, up they grew. I can still remember the excitement of turning up on my plot one day to see a line of small, green, fluffy fronds where I had planted my carrot seeds. I can still remember, too, the sight and the smell of digging up my first ever potatoes a few months later, and discovering, to my amazement, that not only did they look like potatoes, but they tasted like them too.

From then on, there was no stopping me; and there still isn't. Every month, it seems, I learn something new. How to make leafmould, and why; how to (attempt to) keep slugs away without pellets; how to build a coldframe; how to compost; how to keep pheasants away from my strawberry patch. The list goes on - and this is before we even get to the fringe benefits.

I have, for example, become a much better cook since I started allotmenteering. Suddenly it seems a crime to waste any of my precious crops, so I've had to learn what to do with them. How to make pumpkin soup, raspberry jam, onion marmalade, green tomato chutney, casseroles, and stews. I've also learnt the value of sharing things - from tools to ideas - with fellow plotters; and of true recycling. Want to smother the weeds on your plot with layers of old carpet? Want to edge your borders with planks? Want some glass to build a coldframe or greenhouse? Want to avoid paying for them? Then you do what I, and all good allotmenteers, do, and trail around town hoicking things out of skips. It's free, it cuts down on waste and it's also quite entertaining. It's amazing the things people throw away.

Allotments are a uniquely British Institution
-- like the House of Lords or the Monarchy --
only less embarrassing and more useful


In tune with nature

And there's something else, too: having an allotment helps you understand where you are. It helps you to get to know your local environment; your place. What type of soil does it have? What kinds of insects and birds inhabit it? What does the air smell like on an autumn evening? How often does it rain, and how hard? What grows well and what doesn't? What time does the sun begin to set? Closeted inside homes or offices, these are questions I used to find it difficult to answer. But not any more, and it has made me feel, somehow, like a better and more complete human being.

And the benefits keep coming. I've made new friends, and realised what an interesting, diverse and occasionally bizarre bunch of people inhabit my neighbouring plots. Within a few hundred yards of me there is a young couple from New Zealand, two old geezers in cloth caps who seem to maintain an eternal bonfire for no good reason; an old Indian woman who gardens in a sari and wellies; a city councillor who grows pumpkins the size of Mars; a chain-smoking pensioner from Lithuania and an ever-increasing influx of young people, all keen to grow their own food on their own terms.

For allotmenteering, it seems, is becoming popular - even slightly hip - these days. Food scares, horror stories about supermarkets, increasing lack of green spaces and a simple desire to get out of the house has led to a resurgence in veg-growing. Suddenly it seems on the verge of becoming a movement; a national gathering of people who have been force-fed long enough by the industrial food machine, and want to eat - and live - on their own terms.


Fuller flavour

Who can blame them? Another thing that you learn very quickly when you start allotmenteering is just how tasteless, bland and artificial all those shiny, identical supermarket vegetables are. Suddenly it seems as if you are waking up from a long, weird dream in which all the strawberries tasted of rubber and the apples were made of plastic and all looked exactly the same, and everyone considered this to be normal and barely worth commenting on. Suddenly you look through the sliding doors at those vegetable aisles under the strip lights and see them for what they are. Call that a carrot? Real carrots have mud on them, and they taste of something! Get thee behind me, Sainsbury's.

And this is when you know you've succeeded. This is when you know the allotment has really done its work on you. For at heart, this is not about growing vegetables at all. It's not about mulching, or compost heaps, or long-handled hoes. It is a declaration of independence: here I stand, on my own plot of land. I grow what I want, when I want, and there's nothing you can do about it. And no, I don't have a loyalty card.

As for me: the end of the growing season is approaching, but the year's work isn't over yet. Tomorrow I'm having a trailer full of horse dung delivered from a local farm. That'll take me several joyous days to dig it into my now mostly-empty beds. Then I'll be digging a new bed, and edging my existing plot with planks to keep the couch grass out. After all that, if winter isn't fully upon me, I'll be buying a new shed. Then I'll take my pumpkin soup out of the freezer, sit in front of the fire and wait for the winter to pass, knowing that when it does, whatever else happens, I've got something to look forward to when the spring comes.

www.paulkingsnorth.net


Allotments on the Web: Get online before the oil runs out!

Allotments UK - Very useful all-purpose site includes how to get started, where to find allotments in your area, links and tips from users of its many forums, www.allotments-uk.com

National Society of Allotment and Leisure Gardeners - All you ever needed to know about allotments, and more, www.nsalg.org.uk

Allotments Regeneration Initiative - Organisation working to encourage people and community groups to take up al lotmenteering, www.farmgarden.org.uk/ari/

Garden Organic - Website of HDRA, the national organic growers' organisation. Also a great place to order seeds and get seasonal advice, www.gardenorganic.org.uk

Plot Holes - Amusing blog, subtitled 'An idiot's guide how not to approach a new allotment'. Strangely useful, www.plotholes.blogspot.com/


http://www.theecologist.org/

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Tuesday, November 22, 2005

A War Crime Within a War Crime Within a War Crime

The revelations from Falluja are piling up

by George Monbiot

Published in the Guardian (November 22 2005)


The media couldn't have made a bigger pig's ear of the white phosphorus story. So before moving on to the new revelations from Falluja, I would like to try to clear up the old ones.

There is no hard evidence that white phosphorus was used against civilians. The claim was made in a documentary broadcast on the Italian network RAI, called "Fallujah: the Hidden Massacre". It claimed the corpses in the pictures it ran "showed strange injuries, some burnt to the bone, others with skin hanging from their flesh ... The faces have literally melted away, just like other parts of the body. The clothes are strangely intact." These assertions were supported by a human rights advocate whom, it said, possessed "a biology degree". {1}

I too possess a biology degree, and I am as well-qualified to determine someone's cause of death as I am to perform open-heart surgery. So I asked Chris Milroy, professor of forensic pathology at the University of Sheffield, to watch the film. He reported that "nothing indicates to me that the bodies have been burnt". They had turned black and lost their skin "through decomposition". We don't yet know how these people died.

But there is hard evidence that white phosphorus was deployed as a weapon against combatants in Falluja. As this column revealed last Tuesday, US infantry officers confessed that they had used it to flush out insurgents. On Tuesday afternoon, a Pentagon spokesman admitted to the BBC that white phosphorus "was used as an incendiary weapon against enemy combatants". {2} He went on to claim that "It is not a chemical weapon. They are not outlawed or illegal." This denial was accepted by almost all the mainstream media. UN conventions, the Times asserted, "ban its use on civilian but not military targets". {3} But the word "civilian" does not occur in the Chemical Weapons Convention. The use of the toxic properties of a chemical as a weapon is illegal, whoever the target is.

The Pentagon argues that white phosphorus burns people, rather than poisoning them, and is therefore covered only by the protocol on incendiary weapons, which the US has not signed. But white phosphorus is both incendiary and toxic. The gas it produces attacks the mucous membranes, the eyes and the lungs. As Peter Kaiser of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons told the BBC last week, "If ... the toxic properties of white phosphorus, the caustic properties, are specifically intended to be used as a weapon, that of course is prohibited, because ... any chemicals used against humans or animals that cause harm or death through the toxic properties of the chemical are considered chemical weapons". {4}

The US army knows that its use as a weapon is illegal. In the Battle Book published by US Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, my correspondent David Traynier found the following sentence. "It is against the law of land warfare to employ WP against personnel targets". {5}

Last night the blogger Gabriele Zamparini found a declassified document from the US Department of Defense, dated April 1991, and titled "Possible use of phosphorous chemical". "During the brutal crackdown that followed the Kurdish uprising", it alleges, "Iraqi forces loyal to President Saddam (Hussein) may have possibly used white phosphorous (WP) chemical weapons against Kurdish rebels and the populace in Erbil ... and Dohuk provinces, Iraq. The WP chemical was delivered by artillery rounds and helicopter gunships ... These reports of possible WP chemical weapon attacks spread quickly ... hundreds of thousands of Kurds fled from these two areas" {6}. The Pentagon is in no doubt, in other words, that white phosphorus is a chemical weapon.

The insurgents would be just as dead today if they were killed by other means. So does it matter if chemical weapons were mixed with other munitions? It does. Anyone who has seen those photos of the lines of blind veterans at the remembrance services for the first world war will surely understand the point of international law, and the dangers of undermining it.

But we shouldn't forget that the use of chemical weapons was a war crime within a war crime within a war crime. Both the invasion of Iraq and the assault on Falluja were illegal acts of aggression. Before attacking the city in November last year, the Marines stopped the men "of fighting age" from leaving {7}. Many women and children stayed as well: the Observer's correspondent estimated that between 30,000 and 50,000 civilians were left in the city {8}. The Marines then treated Falluja as if its only inhabitants were fighters. They levelled thousands of buildings, illegally denied access to the Iraqi Red Crescent, and, according to the UN's special rapporteur, used "hunger and deprivation of water as a weapon of war against the civilian population" {9}.

Over the past week, I have been reading accounts of the assault published in the Marines' journal, the Marine Corps Gazette. The soldiers appear to have believed everything the US government told them. One article claims that "the absence of civilians meant the Marines could employ blast weapons prior to entering houses that had become pillboxes, not homes". {10} Another maintained that "there were less than 500 civilians remaining in the city". It continued: "the heroics [of the Marines] will be the subject of many articles and books in the years to come. The real key to this tactical victory rested in the spirit of the warriors who courageously fought the battle. They deserve all of the credit for liberating Fallujah." {11}

But buried in this hogwash is a revelation of the utmost gravity. An assault weapon the Marines were using had been armed with warheads containing "about 35 percent thermobaric novel explosive (NE) and 65 percent standard high explosive". They deployed it "to cause the roof to collapse and crush the insurgents fortified inside interior rooms". It was used repeatedly: "the expenditure of explosives clearing houses was enormous". {12}

The Marines can scarcely deny that they know what these weapons do. An article published in the Gazette in 2000 details the effects of their use by the Russians in Grozny. Thermobaric, or "fuel-air" weapons, it says, form a cloud of volatile gases or finely powdered explosives. "This cloud is then ignited and the subsequent fireball sears the surrounding area while consuming the oxygen in this area. The lack of oxygen creates an enormous overpressure ... Personnel under the cloud are literally crushed to death. Outside the cloud area, the blast wave travels at some 3,000 meters per second ... As a result, a fuel-air explosive can have the effect of a tactical nuclear weapon without residual radiation ... Those personnel caught directly under the aerosol cloud will die from the flame or overpressure. For those on the periphery of the strike, the injuries can be severe. Burns, broken bones, contusions from flying debris and blindness may result. Further, the crushing injuries from the overpressure can create air embolism within blood vessels, concussions, multiple internal hemorrhages in the liver and spleen, collapsed lungs, rupture of the eardrums and displacement of the eyes from their sockets." {13] It is hard to see how you could use these weapons in Falluja without killing civilians.

This looks to me like a convincing explanation of the damage done to Falluja, a city in which between 30,000 and 50,000 civilians might have been taking refuge. It could also explain the civilian casualties shown in the film. So the question has now widened: is there any crime the coalition forces have not committed in Iraq?

www.monbiot.com

References:

1. The film can be watched at http://www.rainews24.rai.it/ran24/inchiesta/video.asp

2. BBC News Online, 16th November 2005. US used white phosphorus in Iraq. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/4440664.stm

3. David Charter, 16th November 2005. 'Chemical' rounds used against rebel fighters'. The Times.

4. Quoted by Paul Reynolds, 16th November 2005. White phosphorus: weapon on the edge. BBC News Online. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4442988.stm

5. Chapter 5, Section III. http://www.fas.org/man/dod-101/army/docs/st100-3/c5/5sect3.htm

6. http://www.gulflink.osd.mil/declassdocs/dia/19950901/950901_22431050_91r.html

7. Eg Mike Marqusee, 10th November 2005. A name that lives in infamy. The Guardian.

8. Rory McCarthy and Peter Beaumont, 14th November 2004. Civilian cost of battle for Falluja emerges. The Observer.

9. Cited by Mike Marqusee, ibid.

10. F J "Bing" West, July 2005. The Fall of Fallujah. Marine Corps Gazette.

11. John F Sattler, Daniel H Wilson, July 2005. Operation AL FAJR: The Battle of Fallujah - Part II. Marine Corps Gazette.

12. F J "Bing" West, ibid.

13. Lester W Grau and Timothy Smith, August 2000. A 'Crushing' Victory: Fuel-Air Explosives and Grozny 2000. The Marine Corps Gazette.

http://www.monbiot.com/archives/2005/11/22/a-war-crime-within-a-war-crime-within-a-war-crime/

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Monday, November 21, 2005

Inside Guantanamo

Lawyer Clive Stafford Smith regularly visits clients in the prison camp he calls America's "law-free zone". This is his chilling report on life behind the wire.

by Clive Stafford Smith

New Statesman Cover Story (November 21 2005)


The twelve-seater Air Sunshine plane sets down at the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base just as the sun descends behind the hangar. I am met by a military escort. We josh about the threat that the legal profession poses to national security: lawyers are required to stay the night on the leeward side, safe across the bay from the main base and the prison. He drops me off at the motel, the Combined Bachelors' Quarters or CBQ, where a sign boasts that it is "the pearl of the Antilles".

Here, for $12 a night, a bachelor can share a room with three other soldiers. Even in this age when "Don't ask, don't tell" is the official line on homosexuality in the US forces, the notion of combined bachelors strikes me as incongruous. They give me a room with four beds to myself. After eight visits I am an old hand here and I have my favourite room with a view of the placid Caribbean.

The motel sign also trumpets the base's motto, "Honour Bound to Defend Freedom", but freedom is a relative term here. Iguanas are free enough, and if my escort accidentally runs one over it's a $10,000 fine, as US environmental laws apply in Guantanamo. On the other hand, if you feel the need to hit one of the 500 prisoners who are now four years into their captivity it is called "mild non-injurious contact" and there are no consequences. Two years ago in the Supreme Court, we argued that it would be a huge step for mankind if the judges gave our clients the same rights as the animals.

At the motel, television is the only diversion. I am unsure whether the CIA organised this to spook me, but on each of my recent visits to the base I have had the option of watching Groundhog Day, with Bill Murray waking up over and over again to the same morning. As his clock radio clicks over to 6 am, Sonny and Cher are inevitably moaning, "I got you, babe".

Guantanamo Bay is Groundhog Day. It's reveille at 5.30 am for breakfast. The cook nonchalantly crushes a scorpion that has wandered into the chow hall and greets me with the same cheese omelette as yesterday. I am pinioned to my table by television monitors shouting the American Forces channel at me.

I walk a mile down the road to meet the 7 am ferry. A bus always passes me at the same place and, as usual, I wave to the driver. The tarmac steams as the sun rises over the Cuban hills, stillness and beauty clashing with the rusted barbed wire. I wonder whether the ten-foot snake that was outside my motel door this morning lives in one of the wooden Second World War bunkers that adjoin the road.

Cresting the hill, I see the ferry coming across the bay. As it approaches the landing, tinny music can be heard above the drone of the engine. Each morning for a week it has been Jimmy Buffett belting out "Margaritaville". I have a fantasy that one day we will progress a track or two on that Buffett album to a song called "Why Don't We Get Drunk (and Screw)". But it never happens.

Most of the lawyers complain about staying on the leeward side, but I enjoy the morning cruise. High in the hills, as the pilot steers us in to the windward dock, four wind turbines slowly rotate. They are majestic, an unlikely sign of environmental sensitivity in such an otherwise harsh world.

The escort meets us at the dock and calls his code in to our un-seen monitor. We stop off at Starbucks and then drive down to McDonald's. A soldier smartly salutes his superior, "Honour Bound, sir!" The officer salutes his reply, "To Defend Freedom, soldier!" The first time I saw this I chuckled, thinking they were joking. It's mandatory. It's the motto.

"Recreation Road" runs alongside Guantanamo Golf Course, grass sparse, leading to the prison camp. I cannot write about the layout of the camp, because that would violate the security rules.

The various camps have been given names steeped in irony. "Papa" is where the prisoners on hunger strike are force-fed. "Romeo" is where the military sexually humiliated prisoners by forcing them to wear only shorts. Forty Muslim men, forsworn from alcohol, live in "Whiskey". I can't decide whether the irony is inadvertent, as is generally the case with irony on this side of the Atlantic, or deliberate and cruel.

Meetings between client and lawyer are held in Camp Echo. Before June 2004, when the Supreme Court ordered that the prisoners be allowed lawyers, this used to be the harshest camp, where prisoners were held in total isolation. Each cell is hermetically sealed from the others and divided down the middle - the prisoner lives on one side and is brought into the other half only for interrogation sessions or, lately, lawyer visits. I am going to stay there all day, until 5 pm. I am glad that we arrived in plenty of time. At 8 am the warning siren will sound on the Tannoy, followed by the national anthem. Everything will come to a stop and the soldiers stand rigid, saluting the nearest flag until it is over.

I go into the camp and must wait for the clients to be prepared. We sit at the "picnic table" by the cells. The guards live a monotonous life and most are friendly. One tells me he saw me recently on CNN, where I said that most of the military were decent people consigned to a terrible task. He smiles as he asks whether he is one of the decent folk or one of the bastards.

Another confides in me that he has been told to keep his distance from the lawyers. I am curious about the minefield that apparently still separates the naval base from the perfidious Cuban communists. "Every now and then you hear an explosion at night", says the soldier. "Those are Cubans trying to escape to freedom". I laugh because I assume he is kidding me, but he is serious. I suggest that any mine that goes off is probably taking out an errant iguana. He is clearly unhappy. I am a cynic, and he does not talk to me again for several days.

A guard takes his hat off and puts it on the table. To remind him of his mission, he has written inside the rim: "Al-Qaeda are pussies".

Many of the guards are from quiet American backwaters and Guantanamo represents their first foray abroad. They have been subjected to the most extraordinary propaganda. One of my clients is only a little over five feet tall, very mild-mannered and cultured. Some months ago he told me about the times before the cameras were installed, when a soldier sat outside his Camp Echo cell 24 hours a day, watching him. He noticed a female guard shaking on her chair and asked her what the matter was. Eventually she asked him whether he truly was a serial assassin - she had been told that he was another Hannibal Lecter and might bite her through the bars. When he finished laughing he devoted many therapeutic hours to calming her down. The US military got its intelligence thoroughly wrong on him, and his guards grew to disbelieve the stories. A number gave him their e-mail addresses for when he got out.

Finally, the time comes to see my first client. There is a cooler full of "Freedom Springs" water bottles, the name printed over an American flag. One soldier suggests that I strip the flag off before passing a bottle to the prisoners, because they might desecrate Old Glory. I recall how surprised some Americans were at the Muslim outrage when Newsweek reported how the Koran had been thrown into the toilet. The parallels seem obvious: insults to their flag reduce many Americans to apoplexy.

Talking to my clients is draining. Even gaining their trust is not easy. After the right to counsel was won, the military tried to outflank us by sending interrogators in pretending to be lawyers. Given that all the real lawyers have to be American citizens, what is to distinguish us in the eyes of our clients from the deception that went before?

We talk about torture. I now have a checklist of the abuses used by the US military and those who do their dirtier work for them. Every now and then I get a flash of perspective: when I went to law school in 1984, did I ever think such a checklist would be necessary? Did I believe that an American tribunal would admit a confession exacted at the point of a razor blade? The soldiers seem to accept the Guantanamo reality without blinking. A minority of the government prosecutors are horrified; the majority go with the flow.

In addition to being devoid of law, Guantanamo sometimes seems like a truth-free zone. I am scheduled to see my client Mohammed el-Gharani. The military says he is 26 and denies that there are any juveniles on the base. Let us assume the camp authorities really believe this: what does it say about the quality of Guantanamo intelligence if they cannot even work out his age after four years of interrogation? Mohammed was not quite fifteen when he was seized, and is still a teenager. I got the birth certificate from Saudi Arabia to prove it, but they still won't believe me. "He sure does look young", says one of the guards.

The prisoners are depressed. There were 32 suicide attempts in the first six months. This was bad PR for the military; something had to be done. Six months later we were told that suicide attempts had zeroed out. Was this true? No. Attempting suicide had merely been renamed "self-injurious behaviour" and another 42 prisoners had become SIBs.

In similar semantic vein one soldier says that he cannot say the word "prisoner", as he has been ordered to refer to my clients as detainees. It is deemed defensible to "detain" a person, where "imprisoning" him without trial is not.

Sami al-Laithi knows all about this. An Egyptian, he was minding his own business in Pakistan when the Americans seized him, and he was then badly abused in Guantanamo. He'll certainly never play football again, as he is confined to a wheelchair with two fractured vertebrae after being ERF'd (that's a recent addition to the Guantanamo lexicon, describing the habits of the Emergency Reaction Force guards, who dress up in Darth Vader outfits and rough up recalcitrant prisoners).

Because Sami complained repeatedly they held him in solitary confinement at Camp V. Three years into this ordeal, Sami's tribunal found him "innocent" - as he had said all along, he never was an enemy combatant. So what did he get for it? The guards came into his cell and offered him a white uniform instead of an orange one. Sami got angry. It took them another five months to set him free.

It is a long day. I have to speak my questionable French to some prisoners, my even more dubious Italian to others. We laugh a good deal, but goodness only knows what they understand of their rights. At 5 pm I have to leave.

En route back to the ferry landing we stop at the NEX, the Navy Exchange. Posters advertise an impending visit by Miss Teen USA, a reminder that the overwhelming majority of the 9,000 soldiers are male. I am surprised that the US military does not treat them better. They cannot bring their families to the base, and are often cut off from their children for six months at a time.

Outside the NEX, stalls sell Guantanamo Golf Course T-shirts, and others that say "Behaviour Modification Instructor". I cannot resist a Lilliputian version for my seven-year-old nephew that says "Future Behaviour Modification Instructor". Will I be liable if he beats my brother up?

The ferry has stopped for the day, so in the evening I take a faster boat back across the bay. Waiting for it to leave, I check out the plaque fifty yards away. This is where Christopher Columbus beached on his second trip, on 30 April 1494. He found nothing of interest in Guantanamo and left the next morning.

The trip across the bay takes no more than ten minutes. As I walk back up the hill to the CBQ, the sun is setting and the Tannoy crackles to life again. It's time for the bugle to blare retreat, the rather defeatist end to every military day.

I stop at the Clipper Club, perhaps the most boring bar in the Caribbean. The management's "standards of appearance" sign prohibits "clothing with bizarre, drug-promoting, obscene and offensive insignia". Patrons are warned that "shirts must cover excessive body hair on the chest, abdomen, and under arms". I pass the test and it's good to have a drink.

"Al-qaeda" supposedly means "the base" in Arabic. Guantanamo means "the naval base" here, and one of the military defence lawyers has developed his own response when any soldier confronts him with, "Honour Bound, sir!" He returns the salute sardonically, "To defend the US constitution!" Guantanamo should consider a change of motto.


Clive Stafford Smith is legal director of Reprieve, a UK charity fighting for people facing the death penalty and other human rights abuses. He has represented forty of the prisoners at Guantanamo Bay. For more information go to www.reprieve.org.uk


The books they ban

It is said that when Jeremy Paxman was told that the British prisoner Moazzam Begg's bookshelf contained only two books - the Koran and Paxman's own The English - a Newsnight colleague remarked: "So it's true they torture people in Guantanamo". Begg's problem with reading material, of course, was censorship, which is as sweeping as it is perverse.

Banned magazines have included National Geographic, Scientific American and Runner's World. John Pilger's Hidden Agendas was returned, stamped "Denied". An anthology of First World War poetry was also excluded, as was Robert Hughes's history of Australian colonisation, The Fatal Shore, and, even more curiously, The New Dinkum Aussie Dictionary.

In the case of Scott Turow's legal thriller Presumed Innocent the title alone may have been the problem, but perhaps the strangest cases were the four books returned with the note: "These Items were not Cleared for Delivery to the Detainee(s)". They were Puss in Boots, Cinderella, Jack and the Beanstalk and Beauty and the Beast.


The torture trail

Binyam Mohammed, originally from Ethiopia, lived in north Kensington, London, for several years, seeking asylum, and in 2001 went to Afghanistan. After the invasion he fled to Pakistan, where he was seized for using a passport that was not his own and turned over to the US. He surfaced late last year in Guantanamo.

What happened in the intervening three years? Binyam describes how, in Pakistan, an FBI agent said, "If you don't talk to me, you're going to Jordan. We can't do what we want here; the Pakistanis can't do exactly what we want them to. The Arabs will deal with you." When he asked for a lawyer, the FBI told him he did not have the right to one.

In July 2002, Binyam was flown by CIA plane from a military airport in Islamabad to a prison, not in Jordan but in Morocco. There, a guard told him: "America's really pissed off at what happened, and they've said to the world: either you're with us or you're against us. We Moroccans say: 'We're with you'. So we'll do whatever they want."

A man who called himself Marwan served as Binyam's main interrogator. "Give me the whole story all over again", Marwan would say. Each time, Binyam did what he could. Marwan would give the order: "Idrabo", which means "beat him" in Arabic. The guards would say: "There's worse to come"; and Binyam could hear people screaming across the hall.

Once, Marwan brought in three thugs who cut off his clothes with a scalpel and then, as Binyam screamed, used the scalpel to make a cut in his chest. Next, he says, one of the thugs took his penis in his hand and began to make cuts. The pain was appalling. He says he also suffered torture worse than this, but cannot bring himself to discuss it.

He was in Morocco for eighteen months. He asked a guard: "What's the point of this? I've got nothing I can say to them." The guard replied: "It's just to degrade you. So when you leave here, you'll have these scars and you'll never forget. So you'll always fear doing anything but what the US wants."

In January 2004, Binyam was taken to Kabul, where he endured five more months of torture, mainly psychological at this point. He says that he signed whatever statements were put in front of him. He apparently confessed to dining in April 2002 with five high-ranking Qaeda operatives - a dinner at which they discussed a plot to plant a radioactive "dirty bomb" in New York. He denies that this is true.

Binyam is now charged in a military commission where evidence based on torture is admissible.


The British men still there

Shaker Aamer, forty, is the Saudi father of four British children who live in Battersea, south London. He was subjected to severe torture at the "Dark Prison" in Kabul and at Bagram air force base. Since being sent to Guantanamo, he has been elected to the six-man "prisoners' council" and has been punished with solitary confinement for co-ordinating a hunger strike.

Bisher al-Rawi and Jamil al-Banna were both in the Gambia setting up a peanut oil plant when they were seized, turned over to the United States and sent to Guantanamo. Britain had recognised Jamil as a refugee from Jordan four years previously; Bisher and his family had fled Saddam Hussein twenty years earlier. Jamil's wife and five children live in London, not far from Bisher's mother and sister.

Omar Deghayes is a refugee who escaped from Libya to Britain with his family as a teenager, after his father was murdered by Colonel Gaddafi. Omar studied law. He was seized in Pakistan, tortured and sent to Guantanamo. The main evidence against him is a videotape of a Chechen rebel, brandishing a Kalashnikov, who is now known to be a man called Abu Walid but was mistakenly identified by Spanish authorities as Omar. The British government has suggested that Omar should apply to Libya for "consular assistance" and he has received visits from Libyan officials who, rather than offering him help, threatened to kill him should he return to Libya.

Ahmad Errachidi, who worked as a cook in London for almost eighteen years, was arrested in Pakistan by bounty hunters, sold to the US military and transferred to Bagram, where the sign on the interrogation room door read "Hell" in Arabic. In Guantanamo, he was accused of being an extremist leader and dubbed "The General". Ahmad has been held in punitive isolation for more than two years, the longest period served in isolation by any Guantanamo prisoner.

Jamal Kiyemba, originally from Uganda, lived in Britain from the age of fourteen. "Ask any MP [military police] personnel in Gitmo [Guantanamo]: where's this guy from? Answer: they will say Britain! Check my incoming mail and you will find that it's from Britain. My GP, my local mosque, my teens, my education, employment, friends, taxes, home and, above all else, my family - it is in Britain. I may not be British according to some piece of paper, but in reality I am a Brit and always will be." Because Britain will not have him, the US recently gave notice that he would be sent to Uganda.

And there may be more: Abdulnour Sameur is an Algerian refugee who lived in south Harrow, London, and Ahmed Ben Bacha is an Algerian who lived in Bournemouth. Neither has yet seen a lawyer and little is known about them.

Copyright New Statesman 1913 - 2005

http://www.newstatesman.co.uk/nscoverstory.htm

http://www.newstatesman.com/200511210007.


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Sunday, November 20, 2005

The United States invades, bombs, and kills for it ...

... but do Americans really believe in free enterprise?

by William Blum


Since the end of the cold war, prominent American economists and financial specialists have been advising the governments of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union on the creation and virtues of a free-enterprise system.

The US-government-financed National Endowment for Democracy is busy doing the same on a daily basis in numerous corners of the world.

The US-controlled World Bank and International Monetary Fund will not bestow their financial blessings upon any country that does not aggressively pursue a market economy.

The United States refuses to remove its embargo and end all its other punishments of Cuba unless the Cubans terminate their socialist experiment and jump on the capitalist bandwagon.

Before Washington would sanction and make possible his return to Haiti in 1994, Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide had to guarantee the White House that he would shed his socialist inclinations and embrace the free market.

It would, consequently, come as a shock to the peoples of many countries to realize that, in actuality, most Americans do not believe in the free-enterprise system. It would, as well, come as a shock to most Americans.

To be sure, a poll asking something like: "Do you believe that our capitalist system should become more socialist?" would be met with a resounding "No!"

But, going above and beyond the buzz words, is that how Americans really feel?


Supply and demand

Following the disastrous 1994 earthquake in Los Angeles came the cry from many quarters: Stores should not be raising prices so much for basic necessities like water, batteries, and diapers. Stores should not be raising their prices at all at such a time, it was insisted. It's not the California way and it's not the American way, said Senator Dianne Feinstein. More grievances arose because landlords were raising rents on vacant apartments after many dwellings in the city had been rendered uninhabitable. How dare they do that?, people wailed. The California Assembly then proceeded to make it a crime for merchants to increase prices for vital goods and services by more than ten percent after a natural disaster. {1}

A similar tale followed the destruction caused by Hurricane Isabel in September 2003. In the Washington DC area and points south, exorbitant prices were being demanded for generators, batteries, gasoline, ice, water pumps, tree-removal services, and so on. The governor and attorney general of Virginia called on the legislature to pass the state's first law against price-gouging after receiving about 100 complaints from residents. North Carolina had enacted an anti-gouging law just shortly before. {2}

In the face of all this, one must wonder: Hadn't any of these people taken even a high-school course in economics? Hadn't they learned at all about the Law of Supply and Demand? Did they think the law had been repealed? Did they think it should be?

Even members of congress don't seem to quite trust the workings of the system. They regularly consider measures to contain soaring drug and health-care costs and the possible regulation of the ticket distribution industry because of alleged price abuses. {3} Why don't our legislators simply allow "the magic of the marketplace" to do its magic?


The profit motive

President Calvin Coolidge left Americans these stirring words to ponder: "Civilization and profits go hand in hand". Hillary Clinton, however, while the First Lady, lashed out at the medical and insurance industries for putting their profits ahead of the public's health. "The market", she declared, "knows the price of everything but the value of nothing". {4}

Labor unions regularly attack companies for skimping on worker health and safety in their pursuit of higher profit.

Environmentalists never tire of condemning industry for putting profits before the environment.

According to a survey in 2005, seventy percent of Americans think that the pharmaceutical companies are more concerned "about making profits" than developing new drugs. {5}

Judges frequently impose lighter sentences upon lawbreakers if they haven't actually profited monetarily from their acts. And they forbid others from making a profit from their crimes by selling book or film rights, or interviews. The California Senate enshrined this into law in 1994, one which directs that any such income of criminals convicted of serious crimes be placed into a trust fund for the benefit of the victims of their crimes. {6}

President George H W Bush, in pardoning individuals involved in the Iran-Contra scandal, stated: "First, the common denominator of their motivation - whether their actions were right or wrong - was patriotism. Second they did not profit or seek to profit from their conduct." {7}

No less a champion of free enterprise than former senator Robert Dole said, in an attack upon the entertainment industry during his 1996 presidential campaign, that he wanted "to point out to corporate executives there ought to be some limit on profits ... We must hold Hollywood accountable for putting profit ahead of common decency". {8}

That same year, the mayor of Philadelphia, Ed Rendell, bemoaning the corporations move to the suburbs - for what he admitted were "perfectly rational" reasons - declared: "If we let the free market operate unconstrained, cities will die". {9}

Finally, we have a congressional debate in May 1998 about imposing sanctions against countries that allow religious persecution. The sanctions were opposed by US business interests, prompting Representative Tom Coburn (R-Oklahoma) to declare: "We've got to figure out what we believe in our country. Do we believe in capitalism and money or do we believe in human rights?" {10}

But how can the system conceivably function as it was designed to without the diligent pursuit of profit? Not merely profit, but the optimization of profit. Surely an attorney like Hillary Clinton knows that corporate officers can be sued by stockholders for ignoring this dictum. Yet she and so many others proceed to blast away at one of the pillars of the capitalist temple.


Private entrepreneurship and ownership

The American Medical Association has taken aim at another of the temple's honored pillars - patents, that shrine to the quintessential entrepreneur, the inventor. The AMA issued a blistering condemnation of the increasingly popular practice of patenting new surgical and medical procedures, saying it was unethical and would retard medical progress. {11} Is Thomas Edison rolling over in his grave?

In 1996, the people of Cleveland felt very hurt and betrayed by the owner of the Browns moving his football team to Baltimore. But is it not the very essence of private ownership that the owner has the right to use the thing he owns in a manner conducive to earning greater profit? Nonetheless, Senator John Glenn and Representative Louis Stokes of Ohio announced their plan to introduce legislation to curb such franchise relocation. {12}


Competition and choice

And where is the appreciation for America's supposedly cherished ideal of greater "choice"? How many citizens welcome all the junk mail filling their mailboxes, all the email spam they have to wade through each day, or having their senses pursued and surrounded by omnipresent advertisements and commercials? People moan the arrival in their neighborhood of the national chain that smothers and drives out their favorite friendly bookstore, pharmacist, or coffee shop, squawking about how "unfair" it is that this "predator" has marched in with hobnail boots and the club of "discount prices". But is this not a textbook case of how free, unfettered competition should operate? Why hasn't the public taken to heart what they're all taught - that in the long run competition benefits everyone?

Ironically, the national chains, like other corporate giants supposedly in competition, are sometimes caught in price-fixing and other acts of collusion, bringing to mind John Kenneth Galbraith's observation that no one really likes the market except the economists and the Federal Trade Commission.


The non-profit alternative

The citizenry may have drifted even further away from the system than all this indicates, for American society seems to have more trust and respect for "non-profit" organizations than for the profit-seeking kind. Would the public be so generous with disaster relief if the Red Cross were a regular profit-making business? Would the Internal Revenue Service allow it to be tax-exempt? Why does the Post Office give cheaper rates to non-profits and lower rates for books and magazines which don't contain advertising? For an AIDS test, do people feel more confident going to the Public Health Service or to a commercial laboratory? Why does "educational" or "public" television not have regular commercials? What would Americans think of peace-corps volunteers, elementary-school teachers, clergy, nurses, and social workers who demanded in excess of $100 thousand per year? Would the public like to see churches competing with each other, complete with ad campaigns selling a New and Improved God?

Pervading all these attitudes, and frequently voiced, is a strong disapproval of greed and selfishness, in glaring contradiction to the reality that greed and selfishness form the official and ideological basis of our system.

It's almost as if no one remembers how the system is supposed to work any more, or they prefer not to dwell on it. Where is all this leading to? Are the Eastern European reformers going to wind up as the last true believers in capitalism?

It would appear that, at least on a gut level, Americans have had it up to here with free enterprise; indeed, the type of examples given above can be found in the media very regularly. The great irony of it all is that the mass of the American people are not aware that their sundry attitudes constitute an anti-free enterprise philosophy, and thus tend to go on believing the conventional wisdom that government is the problem, that big government is the biggest problem, and that their salvation cometh from the private sector, thereby feeding directly into pro-free enterprise ideology.

Thus it is that those activists for social change who believe that American society is faced with problems so daunting that no corporation or entrepreneur is ever going to solve them at a profit carry the burden of convincing the American people that they don't really believe what they think they believe; and that the public's complementary mindset - that the government is no match for the private sector in efficiently getting large and important things done - is equally fallacious, for the government has built up an incredible military machine (ignoring for the moment, what it's used for), landed men on the moon, created great dams, marvelous national parks, an interstate highway system, the peace corps, student loans, social security, insurance for bank deposits, protection of pension funds against corporate misuse, the Environmental Protection Agency, the National Institutes of Health, the Smithsonian, the GI Bill, and much, much more. In short, the government has been quite good at doing what it wanted to do, or what labor and other movements have made it do, like establishing worker health and safety standards and requiring food manufacturers to list detailed information about ingredients.

Activists have to remind the American people of what they've already learned but seem to have forgotten: that they don't want more government, or less government; they don't want big government, or small government; they want government on their side.

None of the above, of course, will deter The World's Only Superpower from continuing its jihad to impose capitalist fundamentalism upon the world.


A couple of more reasons why the jihad may have tough going

Nearly half of adult Americans surveyed by the Hearst Corporation in 1987 believed Karl Marx's aphorism: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need" was to be found in the US Constitution. {13}

Mark Brzezinski, son of Zbigniew, was a post-Cold War Fulbright Scholar in Warsaw: "I asked my students to define democracy. Expecting a discussion on individual liberties and authentically elected institutions, I was surprised to hear my students respond that to them, democracy means a government obligation to maintain a certain standard of living and to provide health care, education and housing for all. In other words, socialism." {14}


Notes

1. Los Angeles Times (January 2 1995), Assembly Bills 36X and 57X

2. Washington Post (September 24 2003)

3. Los Angeles Times (September 29 1994); Washington Post (December 26 1999) p 16

4. Speech in Austin, Texas (April 1993) unveiling her health-care campaign.

5. Washington Post (February 26 2005)

6. Los Angeles Times (January 2 1995) Senate Bill 1330

7. New York Times (December 25 1992)

8. Washington Post (June 11 1995)

9. Ibid (July 5 1996) column by E J Dionne Jr

10. Ibid (May 15 1998) p 9

11. Ibid (June 20 1995)

12. Ibid (November 30 1995)

13. New York Times (June 7 1987) Section 11CN ("Connecticut Weekly Desk") p 36

14. Los Angeles Times (September 2 1994)

http://members.aol.com/superogue/system.htm


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Saturday, November 19, 2005

Optimism for a Post-Peak Oil Society

by Bill McKibben

Orion Magazine (November 08 2005)



Can you feel the mood shifting? I can. A year of spiking speculation about peak oil and the death of suburbia has rattled lots of Americans. Plenty of people suddenly feel that real, civilization-shaking change might be around the next corner. And plenty of them also feel frozen in the headlights, unsure what, if anything, to do about it. Other than wait.

It reminds me a little of the very early days in the fight over global warming. Appalled at the forecasts of global destruction, some of us demanded immediate and strong action - high taxes on carbon emissions, for instance, and never mind the pain. Others - more moderate or more politically realistic - advocated a suite of what they called "no regrets" policies. They suggested, say, gradual rises in gas mileage, higher efficiency standards for appliances. Even if climate change proved to be overblown hooey, they pointed out, such rational and easy measures would still save us money, reduce conventional pollution, and so on. These steps were like taking out a modest amount of insurance; whatever happened we'd have no regrets about having adopted them.

In actual fact, of course, we took neither the urgent nor the more relaxed steps. Instead we bought Ford Explorers. Now everything that was frozen is melting and soon we will have ... regrets.

Who knows if we're actually going to see oil production peak sometime soon? Not me. I've read persuasive arguments that we will from writers like Michael Klare and James Howard Kunstler and Paul Roberts. I've also read confident counterarguments from people who've been right in the past, like Daniel Yergin of Cambridge Energy Research Associates. Oil depletion is not a straightforward physical law, like the fact that the molecular structure of carbon dioxide traps heat that would otherwise radiate back out to space. Instead it's a detective story that turns on questions like, are the Saudis lying about how fast oil is being depleted in their giant field at Ghawar? My suspicion had always been that we'd run out of sinks before sources - that is, run out of atmosphere before oil wells - but it's beginning to look like the race will be tight.

In any event, the real question is what to do in the face of uncertainty. In policy terms, the answer is easy, since cushioning the end of oil would require precisely the same steps as slowing down climate change: raising gas mileage, converting to hybrid cars, building trains, imposing carbon taxes, giving tax breaks for insulation.

But in personal terms? That's how peak oil affects the imagination, after all. You can't hear about it without starting to wonder, what's my life going to be like? Authors have provided helpful guesses about which regions of the country to move to (New England good, suburban Atlanta bad) or what items to install on your homestead. The trouble with such advice, however, is that it's altogether too personal, too private. If the nightmare of a globally warmed world is, say, a storm-raked, mosquito-ridden, sea-besieged city on a tropical shore, then the nightmare of a post-oil world is a lone family holed up on its new farm using its cache of firearms to guard its stockpile of food. You can imagine it coming to that - Mad Max meets American Gothic. It's hard to underestimate the degree of rage that might accompany the end of the cheap-fuel culture in a country as entitled as ours. But the loner option is full of unhappiness, no matter what. At best it offers survival.

The no-regrets options are different, and seductive. They all involve communities learning to fend more powerfully for themselves - communities ratcheting down their dependence on the overstretched and oil-dependent lines of supply that mark a globalized economy, and ratcheting up the semiforgotten, close-to-home economies that might prove more stable in an energy-starved world. Some of this work is already underway, but it will be given a new urgency if the price of oil just keeps on leaping.

Consider, for instance, the fine small city of Burlington, in Vermont. It has its own in-town farming district, the Intervale - land that once served as the town dump and now has about five hundred acres of vegetables and berries and grains, selling mostly to people who appreciate freshness, who think organically, who want to support their neighbors. The Intervale already provides eight percent of the fresh produce that the town's residents consume, and eight percent is not insignificant. But it still leaves 92 percent arriving by truck, boat, and plane from around the planet - apples from China, say, even though Burlington lies in the Champlain Valley, one of the planet's finest apple-growing belts. In a cheap-fuel economy you can take advantage of cheap Chinese labor and sell Chinese apples for a cheap forty cents. Say that the price of oil rises to the point where that apple costs fifty cents, and sixty, and seventy - each increase should make it easier to extend the Intervale farms over a few hundred more acres. Oil at a hundred dollars a barrel means fewer bananas and more local apples and blueberries.

But that process needn't wait until shortage requires it - until we're scrambling. With a little lead time, we can put in place the no-regrets kinds of policies that make sense for a less spendthrift society. Consider, for instance, Burlington Bread. That's the local currency that a few people developed in Burlington six or seven years ago - one of several thousand such currencies that have sprung up around the world. But like most of the American experiments, Burlington Bread has never broken out of the backrub and vegan-restaurant ghetto; it's basically a medium of exchange between earnest masseuses. Now, though, locals led by University of Vermont economics professor Bob Costanza are trying to make something more of it.

Costanza, one of the founders of ecological economics, has proposed having the city issue Bread. If they could use the currency to pay some municipal expenses, and in turn accept it for taxes and fees, then it would stand a chance of gaining a real foothold. In time, say Costanza's colleagues, twenty percent of Burlington's economy might use Bread instead of greenbacks - which, because it would give people money that only had value in the metro area, would automatically make local goods more competitive. Move that produce number from eight percent to, say, 28 percent. Suddenly the town is a lot better situated for the post-oil world. And suddenly the town is not just a collection of unrelated individuals living in a vast planetary economy, but a real community in a real place filled with people who depend on one another in real ways.

Right now organizers are trying to persuade some of the city's many vendors to accept Bread in payment for their services - that's the test the city's mayor, Peter Clavelle, will use to decide if the project goes ahead or not. "It's a classic chicken-and-egg problem", says Ed Antczak of the city's Community and Economic Development Office. "The onus is on the local-currency people to prove over the next twelve months that there are vendors willing to take it from the city. It's like, 'Bring me the broomstick of the Witch of the West'. Because otherwise it's a little out there for the city to get involved."

Out there, sure. But in a world where business as usual seems less and less likely, that may be the only place beyond regret.


Bill McKibben is the author of The End of Nature (Anchor, 1997) and Enough: Staying Human in an Engineered Age (Times Books, 2003) .

Reprint Notice: This article appears in the September-October 2005 issue of ORION magazine, 187 Main Street, Great Barrington, Massachusetts 01230, 888/909-6568, ($35 per year for six issues). A free copy of the magazine can be obtained through Orion's website at oriononline.org.

Copyright 2005 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.

http://www.alternet.org/story/27727/


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Friday, November 18, 2005

The Industrialization of Agriculture

Chapter 7 of Energy and Society (McGraw-Hill, 1955)

by William Frederick Cottrell


As we have seen, it is difficult to separate gains in agriculture made through the application of energy from oil, coal, gas, and falling water from gains secured through the application of other means of increasing efficiency. However, if we are to predict the future of mechanized agriculture, such an analysis must be attempted.

In a market economy, where labor has the alternative of working in the fields or in the factories, it may be cheaper in monetary terms to replace men with machines than the reverse. This is the situation in the United States and other large areas of the West. Because we are accustomed to these conditions we tend to translate money costs into physical costs and to assume that when money costs are lower energy costs must also be lower. This is not necessarily so, since great amounts of energy from nonfood sources may be equated in monetary terms with small amounts of energy in the form of food. Actually, as a little reflection will show, the energy costs of the operations involved in mechanized food raising are higher than those incurred in hand cultivation. For clarity the reasons for this are tabulated below.

1. More energy is required because the work is done more quickly. It will be recalled that the energy required to do a job varies not only with the mass and the distance involved but also with the time consumed. The amount of energy is not directly proportional to the increase in speed; rather it varies as the square of the velocity. Thus, decreases in time are purchased at greater and greater penalties in the form of the amount of energy used.

2. The tools which permit the great increase in the power used must themselves be larger, heavier, and more complex than the hand tools which they replace. Therefore, they take more energy for their production, maintenance, and repair.

3. The greater area per production unit involved requires that more energy be used in getting to and from the work site, and in transporting the product to the place where it will be consumed.

4. In most cases the productivity of land varies within the areas cultivated. In utilizing the larger and more powerful machines which permit increased speed, much of the selectivity possible in hand cultivation is sacrificed. The result is decreased yield for a given expenditure of energy.

5. In many areas where a shift to larger farms is to be made, there are already fixed assets in the form of farmhouses and barns, roads, fences, and hedges which become useless in relation to the larger unit. There may also be assets such as churches, shrines, and government facilities, and commercial enterprises such as stores and artisans' shops, as well as the residences of their operators, which become useless as the decline in population density reduces the number of people they can serve below the point necessary to maintain them. Thus, in addition to the operational costs of the new system there are initial physical losses to be compensated for, or the resistance of their owners to sustaining their loss otherwise to be overcome.

6. There is the previously noted fact that human sentiment and habit create inertia. To overcome this requires the expenditure of energy. {1}

7. Finally, of course, there is the problem of finding employment at favorable terms for the population no longer locally useful because it has been replaced by the use of other converters. This may be the problem most difficult of all to solve.

HOE VERSUS PLOW

Before going further let us examine some concrete illustrations of what we have been discussing in the abstract. Fortunately there is a recent study {2} showing something of the relative costs of hoe and plow culture in terms that can be converted into energy units. Oscar Lewis compared the two systems in Tepoztlan, a village in Mexico, and gives specific figures drawn from a sample that is probably representative of many other areas. He shows that cultivating corn by hoe takes more than three times as many man-days as does plow cultivation. The figures average out at about 50 days for the plow and 165 days for the hoe, for each hectare cultivated. The proportion of those days in which oxen are used in plow areas as compared with those in which men work without oxen is not given; from the description of the work, however, it is clear that the oxen are used a good deal of the time. If we rate a team of oxen at 1.5 horsepower and assume that of the 50 days spent in plow-culture farming there are 30 days in which the team is used 10 hours a day, we get a total of 450 horsepower-hours for the oxen and 50 (figuring the man at 1/10 horsepower, or one horsepower-hour per day) for the men used, or a grand total of 500 horsepower-hours to produce a hectare of corn with the plow as compared with 165 horsepower-hours for hoe culture.

Oxen are about as efficient as men in converting plants to mechanical energy, so to produce fuel for a team of oxen rated at 15 horsepower-hours per day takes land on which plant food yields 15 times as much energy as is required for a man. This is not to say that it will take 15 times as much crop land, for the ox will eat food grown on land which will not grow food crops; moreover, it eats no energy-wasting animal products and does not require any land for the raising of fiber for clothes, as would a man. Nevertheless, the costs are real, and some of the land used for ox feed must be subtracted from that which could otherwise be used by the hoe-culture farmer for raising food. If land were available in sufficient quantities and the growing season were short, this loss could be compensated for by the increased crop made possible by the increase in the area which could be cultivated by the use of the ox. However, in Tepoztlan the growing and planting seasons are long, and land is not abundant. There are many other areas now using hoe culture where the same situation exists.

It is sometimes argued that the loss in energy occasioned by the use of the ox or horse may be offset by the greater fertility arising from the deeper tilth possible with the plow. Actually, it is more and more apparent that in most places it is the first few inches of topsoil that carries the highest fertility; deep plowing thus decreases rather than increases yield. In the case under study Lewis {3} found that "a comparison of the yields of the two types of agriculture reveals that hoe culture yields are equal to the best yields in plow culture and are generally about twice as high as the average yields of plow culture". This is primarily due to the facts that the hoe farmer can select soil of greater fertility and that he can raise a type of corn which cannot be raised with the plow. Curwen {4} has shown that the change in the character of the shape of the field which is required when the plow is introduced is an old phenomenon. With the hoe the field tends to be circular and otherwise to follow contour lines that reveal or have resulted in soil fertility. In horse plowing, since the mass put in motion is considerable, the effects of momentum induce the farmer to plow in more or less straight lines, thus cultivating both the more and the less fertile soil - and incidentally encouraging erosion. In the area which Lewis studied, the plow farmer has taken over most of the land which can be put under the plow, leaving to the hoe farmer only the fringes and the areas where rocks, thin soil, and other factors make plowing impracticable. The necessity of spreading his efforts over a large area have the effect of requiring the hoe farmer to spend a great deal of time and energy going to the work site and returning to the village. Thus hoe farming as it is now practiced is less productive on the average than it could be if the whole village were engaged in it. If hoe farming at its greatest possible efficiency could be compared with plow farming as it is now practiced, the general disparity in energy costs between the two systems could be shown to be even greater than the estimate just given.

Rising population in Tepoztlan has forced more and more of the hoe farmers to go back to the methods which characterized the country in an earlier period, when the forest was cleared by burning and two crops were taken from the soil so made available. But it takes land so long to recover its fertility, once it has been so cropped, that this offers no permanent solution. In the meantime the mounting pressure on the hoe-culture farmer induces him to offer higher and higher rents for the use of more convenient land. At the moment the plow farmer is attached, through the export of his surplus, to urban areas which will supply him products in amounts sufficient to overcome his relative inefficiency in producing surplus energy. But plow culture, which limits the size of the local population, is under constant and increasing pressure, and the resultant mounting rents make it probable that in time the owner of what is now plow land will get greater rewards from renting it to hoe farmers than from using draft animals to produce surplus to sell to those in urban areas.

In Yunnan {5} before the Second World War owners of as little as five to ten acres of land no longer thought of working, since they were able to secure labor for a small fraction of the total return from their land. It is easy to see why under such conditions tension between landowner and farm labor mounts, and why the peasantry is easily induced to join a movement for redistribution of the land, however wasteful by Western standards the hoe culture made necessary by this reduction of the size of individual holdings of land appears to be. At the same time we can anticipate that mounting costs of food in urban areas will result in support for political measures which will assure that the hoe farmer will be kept from preempting the urban food supply.

HORSE VERSUS TRACTOR

Comparing hoe culture with mechanized agriculture is even more difficult than comparing it with plow culture using draft animals because many of the factors in machine agriculture are not of local origin and no accounting exists to show just what their energy costs are. Such costs are usually known only in monetary terms and are therefore not directly usable. Moreover, the fact that the tractor does not require feed, and hence does not involve a reduction in crop land, removes one source of resistance to the introduction of tractor farming. Despite these complications, the same striking disparity is apparent. Available research limits our choice of illustration and makes it difficult to know how good a sample we are presenting, but these are merely illustrations; the principles involved are not dependent for their verification upon them, but upon abundant research in the field of physics and agrobiology.

Rice Production: Japan and the United States

The Japanese wet-rice farmers probably produce more than any other large class of hoe-culture people. The average return is about 50 bushels per acre. Cultivation and harvest take about 90 man-days per acre, or 90 horsepower-hours. Compare these figures with those of a study made in Arkansas in 1947, where wet-rice farming also yielded about 50 bushels per acre. {6} It is carefully done and represents an adequate sample for the area concerned. To raise 50 bushels of rice in Arkansas took 14.1 man-hours, 4.3 tractor-hours, 1.3 truck-hours, and 434 kilowatt-hours of electricity for pumping. In addition fertilizer containing 32 pounds of available nitrogen was put on the land. The tractors used 3.6 gallons of distillate and 0.05 gallons of gasoline per hour. The truck is figured at 1 gallon of gasoline per hour.

Since we shall be alluding to figures of this kind again, we give in detail the method of conversion into horsepower-hours. [Note from Bill Totten: I omit these detailed calculations here, but will happily provide them to anyone who asks. The total came to 806.54 horsepower-hours for raising 50 bushels of rice in Arkansas.]

Comparison shows that the operating-energy costs alone ran about 9 to 1 against machine agriculture. Japanese average production was 5,663 horsepower-hours per acre heat value, or, at 20 per cent, 1,132.6 horsepower-hours mechanical energy. Subtracting 90 horsepower-hours for the 90 man-days used in cultivation, the surplus was 1,042.6 horsepower-hours mechanical energy. Taking the Arkansas product at the same figure, subtracting the costs only of the energy actually used in operation and making no allowance for repairs and amortization of the machines, the surplus is only 326.06 horsepower-hours per acre. On the other hand, the Japanese surplus was 1.25 horsepower-hours per man-hour, while the American surplus was 23.1 horsepower-hours per man-hour.

The Japanese have utilized a great proportion of the means which modern technology provides to increase their physical productivity, while continuing to use hand labor. Their use of organic fertilizers and their methods of seed and plant selection, cultivation, and harvesting bring their productivity per acre up to that in the United States. Thus it is possible, at least in rice farming, to secure as much total energy, or feed as many people, from an acre with hand labor as is secured in the United States from an acre tilled with machines. From the Japanese point of view, to use in agriculture a large amount of energy which could otherwise be applied in industry, thus creating unemployment among erstwhile farm workers, who must as a consequence either starve or eat without producing, would not seem to be an efficient use of available energy.

From the American point of view - or considered strictly from the angle of producing surplus energy - the 23 horsepower-hours per man-hour of surplus energy to be gained by expending energy on the production of rice when compared with about 1,500 horsepower-hours per man-hour of surplus from the coal miner, and more from other sources, leads to the conclusion that the rice-producing operation represents an unwise choice. Of course, before any firm figure is used, the relative costs of the converters required to produce and maintain the tools used by both coal miner and rice grower must also be computed.

The case of rice was chosen because figures were available, and not because it is representative. Japanese rice production is very high as contrasted for example with that of India, where in 1932 only 14 bushels were raised per acre, though the yield in Japan is about 1/5 less than in Italy, which produces relatively small quantities. On the other hand, rice production in the United States in 1950 averaged 49.11 bushels per acre. Thus the comparison of American and Japanese production of rice is at least not unfair.

Other Comparisons

A more representative example is available in connection with wheat. Buck {7} found that in China in 1933 it took 26 man-days to produce an acre of wheat, with the average production 16 bushels per acre. A study made in Idaho, where, on irrigated land, average production was around 30 bushels per acre (more than double the United States average in 1949 of 14.1 bushels) showed an expenditure of about 45 horsepower-hours per acre. In this case, while the energy expended per bushel in the United States was almost the same as in China, the expenditure per acre in the United States was 19 horsepower-hours greater than in China, not taking into account the energy needed to compensate for the implements used or the costs of the irrigation system, which are in Idaho largely reflected in the price of land rather than, as in Arkansas, in pumping costs. On 30 bushels per acre of wheat, at the expense of 45 horsepower-hours, the surplus per acre yields 891.33 horsepower-hours. Assuming 12 man-hours per acre, the surplus produced in the United States is around 75 horsepower-hours per man-hour, or considerably more than that gained from pump-irrigated rice in Arkansas. However, on the national average of around 15 bushels the surplus is only 34.43 horsepower-hours per man-hour, assuming that costs in Idaho are typical.

Let us compare the costs in terms of corn, which is very widely used in the United States for livestock feed. A comparison of the energy costs of United States corn with those of corn raised in a Mexican village is enlightening. Average production of corn in the United States for 1949 was 37 bushels per acre. This is the equivalent of about 1,500 pounds of shelled corn. Lewis {8} reports that in Tepoztlan the average production using the plow is "9.6 cargas of shelled corn a hectare", or 1,181 pounds of shelled corn per acre. In accordance with his estimate that hoe culture produces much more than plow culture, running up to twice the average of plow land, we can assume for purposes of comparison an average production of about 1,500 pounds of shelled corn. On the other hand, the average cost of Tepoztlan corn, previously shown to be 66.8 horsepower-hours per acre, is to be contrasted with 158 horsepower-hours spent directly in Arkansas to produce only 25 bushels, or 1,000 pounds, of shelled corn. When we recall that hoe culture in Tepoztlan included clearing the land as well as planting and harvesting the crop, the contrast is the more startling.

Another type of comparison, from a study of Indiana farms, may be enlightening. {9} It was found that to produce an acre of corn required 8.8 hours of tractor time. At the rate of 3.5 gallons of gasoline per hour the fuel cost is about 31 gallons. Ayres and Scarlott estimate that an average acre of corn yields about 89 gallons of alcohol, which has a heat value about 4/5 that of gasoline, so that the corn would be equivalent to 71.2 gallons of gasoline. Deducting the energy costs, we have a yield of the equivalent of only 40 gallons of gasoline per man per 8.8 hour day from corn, which yields the highest energy of all the widely grown field crops in the United States.

WHERE THE HOE IS INDISPENSABLE

In every case these illustrations show hoe culture producing more surplus energy per acre than mechanized methods. It would, of course, have been possible to cite less efficient low-energy societies. The comparisons used indicate that it is possible for hoe culture to produce more food from a given land area, and more surplus energy, than mechanized farming. As a matter of
fact, hoe culture can more effectively make use of such scientific practices as plant and seed selection, hybridization, thinning and pruning, soil selection, the selective application of fertilizer and insecticides than can machine cultivation. Thus once the techniques are developed, more food and more energy can be produced from a unit of land without machines than with them. Other changes in culturally sanctioned practices that currently limit productivity, such as overgrazing (with resultant erosion) and the burning of manures for fuel, might also be made without adopting the use of machines. A direct supply of fuel for heating, for example, might increase the use of manures for fertilizer. The difficulties of modifying any or all of the social factors involved here might be very great, and it is not affirmed that they could in all cases be successfully overcome. Nevertheless these are real alternatives, which, if adopted, could result in an increase in the standard of living and/or survival in rural areas. It is more likely that such practices would be willingly accepted by rural people than the introduction of methods that would mean forced migration for some of them and continuous limitation of opportunity to use land for their own and their families' subsistence. Moreover, these practices are very likely to be introduced under the auspices of the same humane movements that work to reduce infant and maternal mortality and the death rate from disease and otherwise to promote population growth - in the very areas in which, with machine cultivation, the population would be locally less employable. With the size of the population base that exists in Asia and Eastern Europe and much of Oceania and Middle America, it is probable that, as in Japan, the introduction of more scientific agriculture will result in increased agricultural productivity but will also be accompanied by changes which increase population by such numbers as to make the continuation of intensive hand methods an absolute necessity if starvation for many people is to be avoided.

It appears that, if the objective is to secure support of the largest possible population, hand methods of intensive cultivation provide the answer. If a higher material standard of living is sought, it can be secured only by limiting population to the number that can be fed by methods that use high-energy converters to release men from the land. It must be kept clearly in mind that securing the largest possible population and securing a higher material standard of living are mutually exclusive objectives.

Another method of increasing the supply of food, where land is relatively abundant and labor is the bottleneck at certain periods has already been mentioned: the temporary use of migratory labor during these periods and its supplemental employment elsewhere. The difficulty encountered here, in a society completely or primarily dependent on low-energy converters, is that the energy increase available to this mobile part of the population can be no greater than the increase in productivity which results from its use in bottleneck operations. The increase is, except under unusual conditions, necessarily small, and the costs of transportation, the maintenance of dual living facilities, and/or costs of transporting and maintaining migratory families usually militate against any considerable use of migratory workers.

Some special relations between high-energy societies which provide seasonal employment for the labor surplus of overpopulated agricultural regions do, of course, help these regions at once to deal with their problem of overpopulation and to supply the demand for food in the urban areas to which they are attached. But this is merely another example of the way in which a high-energy system can be supplemental to a low-energy one. It offers no solution to the problems of the low-energy area taken as a self-contained unit.

Where those engaged in agriculture are permitted to operate in the same economic and political system as those using high-energy converters, with the population having the free choice of entering industry or staying on the farm, and prices reflect the monetary consequences of the choice, urban bids for food will be weighed against demands for food and other goods by those in the farming areas, who may choose either to remain and produce food or to leave and enter urban employment, there to produce agricultural machinery to replace them in supplying food. In a completely agricultural area, where people have no opportunity to migrate to high-energy-producing regions and no choice of using the products of such regions save through exchange of food or goods made with the aid of men and/or other plant-consuming converters, the purchase of agricultural machinery and the fuel to run it leads to a different kind of judgment about the use of men versus the use of machines.

The Primacy of Food as an Energy Source

Food is of course different from other energy sources, since it can be substituted for other forms of energy, which will not, in turn, replace it. Since life itself is dependent upon food, its value to the consumer may be so high that it will be exchanged for any amount of other energy available to him who seeks it. Where food is scarce enough, it may command services at a price equal to all the energy made available by a man consuming that food and producing another fuel, even though the other fuel so produced yields a hundred times the energy of the food consumed. For example, the coal miner might, as he apparently does in Russia, have to turn over all the coal he mined in a day for little more than the food he and his family eat in a day, even though the heat value of the coal he mined might be a thousand times that of the food he and his family consumed. The coal miner is not able, in the Russian system, to bargain directly with those who have food for sale. Between him and them stand not only the authority of government but also all those who must cooperate to make and to manage the converters by which coal is transformed into the goods sought by the farmer. All these must share in this energy, and judgment as to the validity of their claims on it must take into account technological, geographical, and social conditions.

What the industrialist demands from the farm is not the maximum energy he can secure, or necessarily any labor force; it is food itself, in sufficient amounts to maintain the industrial population and assure its growth. However, once this specific need is met, food, along with other goods and services, is sought at the least sacrifice of the values prevailing in the industrial society. It may be a matter of indifference whether the goods bought are produced with the energy of food put through a man or another animal or with that of coal, oil, or falling water put through a machine. The hoe-culture farmer faces different alternatives: he must use his food-fueled body either directly to produce what he wants or to produce food for exchange for other goods. In either case what he offers is a low-energy product. Those who control the use of land may consider substituting in the productive process the inputs of low-cost fuel for labor which must be fed with high-cost food. If his social system permits, the landowner may choose to exchange a day's supply of food for only a fraction of the energy made available by a coal miner in a day rather than a day's work from a laborer willing to work for him on the farm at subsistence but able only to deliver through his work the product of a hundredth of the energy that could be secured through employing the coal miner. Thus, apart from claims which can be made through kinship or other means of social identification, manpower produced in low-energy systems may be denied all claim to even a rising productivity.

Increasingly, modern men are for some purposes considered to be merely an alternative to machines, which can be run on the cheap surpluses of coal, oil, gas, and falling water. In comparison, food is a high-cost fuel to be put through an expensive converter. A man with converters which will use cheap energy can displace many men whose fuel costs make them unemployable in an economy that disregards claims not based on rational calculation of inputs in terms of outputs. If a population with equal access to both sorts of fuels and converters was allowed to increase so that it pressed on the available food supply, and food was offered in a free market, the food raiser could command all the other energy produced by the society in compensation for his cooperation in providing food. Such situations rarely, if ever, exist. There is a great deal of evidence showing how population is limited in primitive society. Similar evidence exists for early civilizations. It is likewise true that until recently most food was consumed by its producers directly and entered the market in only limited amounts.

In feudal times in the West population was limited by the fact that productivity was a function of organic converters. The worker's share was a fixed fraction of that productivity; it did not increase as his family increased. As a consequence, population could increase during years of plenty, but weaker individuals were bound to die off in the years of scarcity. The feudal lord sought the maximum surplus; increased labor beyond a given point yielded less than the food consumed by that labor. Those landlords too "humane" to recognize this fact were frequently conquered by those who restricted the number of laborers, raised horses, which produced greater surplus, and overran their weaker neighbors. The feudal lord was usually the only man who controlled food in excess of his needs; he was in control of more political and military power than those who might otherwise have forced him to disgorge that food on their own terms. He commanded the loyalty of those whom he protected and owned the land on which their horses fed. Since with low-energy techniques the greater portion of the population must be attached to the land, he was able to subordinate other men and their values to those which he favored. The balance between population and resources was kept at a point above subsistence, and the food raiser did not have to enter a free market.

We have seen how the hold of the feudal lord was broken in England. He has undergone a similar fate in some other parts of the world. Today industrialists command tremendously greater quantities of energy for military purposes than do farmers. Consequently land can be made, by fire and sword if necessary, to serve the values of industrial populations. Those in industrial areas now have the means both to coerce and to persuade landowners to use land "wastefully" in terms of the maximum population it might feed, while denying people in low-energy areas access to the land on which they might maintain a larger population. For his part, the farmer with control over sufficient land and access to industrial workers may also secure more of his own values at the cost of less sacrifice of those values by producing "food-wasting" beef, poultry, and dairy products than by producing what he needs through cooperation with those who are willing to work for bread but can offer only their bodies to serve as converters. The industrial worker with 20 or 30 horsepower-hours a day of energy may, even though he demands beef in return, produce enough to deliver his product at less cost to the farmer than his low-energy counterpart. Thus the farmer, by attaching himself to the high-energy system, may reduce the efficiency of the land used - in terms of the numbers obtaining food from it - while increasing the supply of other goods which that food will provide for him.

The same situation prevails among those employing men for any other purpose. They may choose to employ workers who are able to demand a wage which offers to each of them much more goods than could be demanded by low-energy producers but who produce so much more in an hour or a day that the cost of their services is less than the alternative of employing hand labor. For example, in the United States the coal miner currently uses in the mine about one kilowatt-hour of energy derived from food daily. He is paid an average of about $18 for that energy. He daily mines about 7.3 tons of coal, each pound of which can produce about one kilowatt-hour of mechanical energy. So, even at $18 a day, the energy derived from food fed to the miner costs only a little more than 0.12 cent per kilowatt-hour. On the other hand, a man living on rice must, at 20 per cent efficiency, eat 2.35 pounds of rice in order to deliver daily one kilowatt-hour of energy; with rice at 20 cents a pound that kilowatt-hour of mechanical energy must cost at least 47 cents. The Japanese rice grower produces about ten kilowatt-hours surplus per day. Thus, with rice at 20 cents a pound, the energy he makes available costs about 4.7 cents, or almost forty times the cost of the energy obtained from the American coal miner, even though the miner gets 38 times as much as the rice-fed laborer must have merely to feed himself.

ENERGY COSTS OF INDUSTRIAL FARMING

What is gained by using high-energy converters on the farm is not more total food, or more product per unit of energy expended, or more surplus energy. It is a reduction in the time which must be spent by human beings in producing food. Many units of energy from fuel may have to be expended for every unit of energy from food saved by this substitution. Because the time cost of securing that energy from coal, oil, or falling water is much less than that required to secure it from food, the farmer with more land than he can cultivate by himself seeks to substitute inputs of this time-cheap energy for inputs of more time-costly manpower. On the other hand, what is sought by the urban worker is food itself, and he will sacrifice whatever portion of the energy available to him is necessary to secure it. The release of manpower by the use of high-energy converters in farming has the effect, in areas where the population has previously been climactic for a hoe or plow culture, of releasing men - or creating agricultural unemployment. But that is seldom the objective: it is the inevitable result of this process of substitution.

We may now be able to see a little more clearly the factors that lead men to decide whether or not to increase the number and capacity of high-energy converters in agriculture. The key is to be found in the relation between the cost of time and the cost of energy. When the cost of the time used is greater than the cost of the energy from sources other than manpower required to replace it, machines replace men. When the cost of the time is less than the cost of the energy required to replace it, men will not be replaced. There are thus two sets of factors operating, each of which can be represented by a mathematical series. One series represents the rate of population growth, which determines both the maximum supply of labor and the minimum demand for food. The other stands for the rate of accumulation of other converters. This sets limits on the mechanical energy available from sources other than manpower. The ratio between them is a critical factor in the course of industrialization.

A given rate of population growth provides a certain number of bodies which are potential converters. Social arrangements may determine what proportion of those persons who might be used in production will be so used, and these vary tremendously from place to place and time to time. {10} Social arrangements may also dictate how the mouths shall be fed, that is, whether all shall eat bread before anyone eats cake, or whether the demand of some for steak is to be fulfilled before all the children are provided with milk. But these arrangements must supply a minimum diet if the population is to be maintained, and they cannot use more manpower than the total to be obtained from the population using that food. If England, for example, is to maintain its population at 45 million, it must supply food for that many people, even if to supply that food (whether by importing it or by raising it in England) means the sacrifice of ten times as much energy from coal as can be secured from the food. In turn, the proportion of the population required to secure British food - whether through direct production of that food on British farms or through the provision of the energy required either to trade for food or to produce it by the aid of such devices as hothouses, which increase its energy cost - limits the number of those in England who can produce other forms of energy and the products obtainable through their use. If the population grows, the problems increase accordingly.

The other series, the rate of accumulation of nonhuman converters, represents the means whereby energy from other sources can be made available to replace food-using men or provide them with the products they could not obtain through human effort alone. The limiting factor here is the rate at which converters other than men can be produced. As has been shown, the low cost of producing surplus energy from coal, oil, gas, and falling water makes man a relatively expensive converter using an expensive fuel. The calculation of opportunity costs will thus favor a continuous increase in the use of machines wherever they can successfully replace men. Here the choice lies between using energy to make converters which will increase the capacity to use cheap surplus energy and using energy to increase the production of food so that men can be released from agriculture. Frequently the latter course merely renders useless a portion of the manpower, whose demands for food require diversion of cheap fuel to produce relatively expensive food. If population can be limited, the increased number of high-energy converters can be used to increase the supply of surplus energy and of additional high-energy converters at a rate which results in a mounting per capita output of those goods which can be produced by machines. As a consequence the costs of reproducing high-energy converters fall, and their greater use causes the disparity between their costs and those of hand labor to increase even faster. Thus by limiting population growth and migration and accelerating the rate of accumulation of converters a society gains the means to increase material well-being. Hence if the series which represents the rate of accumulation of converters accelerates more rapidly than population, the society is likely to move in the direction of high energy. If the reverse is the case, movement in the direction of low energy is to be expected.

In determining whether to use converters to increase the supply of food or of other goods, those who control surplus energy may calculate the results of both courses. Investment in agricultural machinery competes with investment in machinery for industry. If converters are likely to be equally effective in the two fields, the bidding is as apt to result in expanded mechanization of agriculture as of industry. However, if agriculture has any inherent characteristic that necessarily limits the effectiveness with which high-energy converters can be used, a differential rate of entry into the two fields is, to the degree that purely economic considerations govern, to be expected. We need, then, to see whether the energy inputs required to secure in agriculture a given reduction in costs are in fact likely to be equal to or greater than similar inputs in industry. The significance of the difference will vary as energy costs represent a greater or smaller fraction of all the costs to be considered.

In many factory operations, increased productivity follows directly from an increase in the energy used. This is not so in many farming operations. The energy converted by the plant is a function of the characteristics of that plant, the nutrients and water obtained from the soil, and the sunshine falling upon it. None of these factors is directly related to the speed with which the crop is put into or taken off the ground, the activities which are primarily affected by the use of high-energy converters. Only to the limited degree that some seed will get into the ground earlier and some be harvested later than if the work was done by hand does machine tillage necessarily affect the yield. Since the cost of the increased speed goes up as the square of the velocity, increasing the speed of agricultural operations through the use of machinery will ultimately bring the cost of that energy up to a point where it is equal to that of using hand methods to get the same result. But long before any such point is reached, the claims of other uses of energy will be likely to intervene, because there is a special handicap in the use of farm machinery. Few farm machines can be used for anything like the number of hours in a year that factory machines are commonly used. The tractor is being used more and more in the field, but it is in competition with self-propelled tools and also with more flexible electric power in stationary operations. The average use of tractors in the United States is still only about 600 hours a year, as compared with the 2,000 hours common for industrial machinery. The plow can seldom be used more than twenty to thirty days a year, and the cultivator less than that. A pickup hay baler will not often be used more than fifty hours a year, a silage cutter and elevator no more often. Even an all-purpose combine would hardly be used more than 300 hours a year, a corn picker not more than about 200.

In a capitalist economy, to get all the implements he needs the farmer has to bid against industry for the use of the machine tools and energy which are required to build his machinery. If instead of buying them he hires custom work, he pays a rental reflecting this fact, or loses as much in crops while waiting for machines (which are not available to everybody who needs them at once) as he would by buying or by paying enough rental to assure against such losses. On the other hand, in a "socialist" society someone must make the decision to use machine tools and energy to produce farm machinery or other machinery, and, if he is rational, must similarly calculate the advantage or disadvantage of investing energy in agricultural machines with a very limited usefulness as against machines with more extensive usefulness.

Thus, food suppliers seeking the cooperation of industrialists are at a disadvantage except during periods when food is scarce among industrial populations. Only then are they likely to be able to increase mechanized production. At other times the price of food is usually not high enough to provide profit margins equal to those secured by businessmen supplying demands for goods other than food. Not only is the cost of food necessarily higher than an equivalent amount of fuel; the differential cost of the converters used also mounts. In the earliest steps toward industrialization, or in areas entirely dependent upon the sale of low-energy products to secure high-energy converters, it may be possible to raise a child to the point where he becomes employable at a cost less than that of obtaining his mechanical equivalent. In the high-energy society a machine which will deliver energy equivalent to that of a fully grown man can frequently be secured for less than the fee of the obstetrician who delivers a baby. The energy devoted to bringing a man to maturity will, if put directly into operation by way of the coal mine, yield converters with far greater capacity than a man to do those tasks in which machines can be substituted for men. This would militate against unlimited expansion of investment in agriculture even if it were not true, as is the case, that the subsequent fuel and maintenance costs of machines are only a tithe of the costs of maintaining men.

DISTRIBUTION OF ENERGY SURPLUSES

It should be clear from the foregoing that a number of factors operate at present to induce industrial populations generally to claim surplus energy for themselves as against farm populations. This is true for the population generally, but it may not be true for those who wish to invest surplus in a distant market, where monetary costs are lower than in industrial areas. Whether or not, as the class interpretation of history would have it, this differential was the factor that motivated English capitalists to invest abroad, England did export a large portion of the goods which her industrial system was able to put out. The great majority of those in England who were in a position to direct the flow of energy believed in the virtues of trade. While it is true that the trader was forced to make some concession to landlords and to the state and otherwise to disperse part of his surplus at home, he was by modern standards quite free to disperse most of it abroad if he wished to do so. With a fundamental belief that "in the long run" he would get back all that he put in, and more, he traded goods for promises, many of which it turned out were never kept. Sometimes the energy which went into the goods returned to England, as compensation for that expended to produce what was exported from England, was negligible.

Today in England and elsewhere the trader occupies a less strategic position than he formerly did. Many of those in the economic and political system which uses many high-energy converters develop claims on what is produced, whether or not they are directly responsible as such for the increased productivity. If the market apparatus leaves them "underprivileged", they are likely to turn to institutions which recognize their claims. Doctors and other professionals gauge the worth of their services by the income of their clients, so that an increased claim by workers or businessmen translates itself into an increased claim by professionals. Similarly, government and business bureaucrats, teachers, postmen, and distributors may, while continuing to perform exactly the same physical operations that they formerly engaged in, organize to preserve their status position vis-a-vis the industrial worker or owner. Nor do farmers willingly see their share of the national product reduced.

As a consequence, industrial owners and traders have no such freedom as that enjoyed by merchants and industrialists in nineteenth-century Britain. National governments claim a very large part of the surplus, either for military undertakings and public works or for welfare purposes. After taxes, before the owner of converters gets his hands on the surplus produced with them, he has to contend with organized labor and management and with those who distribute the product. Moreover, he is limited by nationalistic efforts of other areas to preserve their own markets, their natural resources, or their way of living. Only within these limits is he free to choose whether or not to make an investment abroad, and whether there to invest in agriculture or other enterprises. Because, as we have seen, for reasons inherent in the nature of agriculture, physical productivity is likely to be higher in industry, investment in agriculture is not likely to prove attractive.

We must realize that most of the time, and for most products, the choice, to trade or not to trade, to invest or not to invest, is largely a unilateral one. That is to say, those in the higher-energy areas have the choice of using the products of low-energy areas or of producing these products, or substitutes for them, at home. People using high-energy technology and able to choose between producing goods to be exchanged with low-energy areas and using their own surplus energy to produce, at the cost of more energy but less time, those goods they might obtain through exchange with low-energy society, will presumably make the decision in terms of their own values. They will not be deterred by the evil consequences to those whom they may never have seen, and in whom they frequently have no interest, from pursuing a policy which maximizes their own values. Thus, where a substitute for the product of low-energy society can be produced in a high-energy society, the latter will probably choose to produce it even at the cost of energy greater than that which could be exchanged for that good.

Political Considerations

Many factors operate in favor of this choice. One of the most significant is the opportunity it affords to employ those displaced in industrial society by technological change and, particularly, to remove from the land the population no longer needed in the farm areas of the high-energy society. This effort toward full employment is an important aspect of continuing technological change in high-energy society. {10} Another important factor is the mounting cost of securing and maintaining in low-energy society conditions favorable to the growth of trade. We have shown why low-energy societies are likely to resist change. Local resistance organized into nationalist movements and equipped with fairly cheap but lethal weapons wielded by superabundant manpower makes foreign trade expensive in many of the old colonial regions today as compared with the days when an expeditionary force landed from a cruiser could be depended upon to keep large areas in check. The cost of holding the empires developed under sail may make trade unprofitable now. Such costs might in large part be eliminated by reducing dependence upon low-energy areas. This can be accomplished by subsidization of chemical and metallurgical research, the development of new plants, and the increased use of synthetic fertilization and other means to increase agricultural production. Industrial populations find it increasingly easier and less costly to devote energy to research which will make it possible for them to produce what they need within the area they politically control than to depend upon the natural products of areas outside that control. Nowadays the universities of the United States and Germany, for example, specialize in developing scientists who can deliver the kinds of facts which make this substitution possible, rather than in training men in the knowledge needed by the diplomat or the colonial administrator. Investment goes into synthetic dyes, rubber, and fiber. Investigation is made into alloys or processes of concentration or beneficiation of ores. Cheap materials-handling and earth-moving equipment make it possible to use low-grade ores economically as well as to invest energy within the boundaries of a political and economic system. Such usages are replacing that system of exploration and conquest or political domination over foreign lands which was once thought to be necessary for prosperity.

RESTRAINTS ON THE DIFFUSION OF INDUSTRIAL AGRICULTURE

Britain's experience with "maturing" colonies and with the rise of nationalism in her "backward" areas makes it clear that increasing the energy available through foreign investment frequently has the effect of implementing ever more strongly the nationalistic feeling that arises in reaction to the disruption occasioned by the introduction of new techniques (or the products of new techniques) which upset accepted relationships. In such cases the autarchy which develops cuts out the possibility of getting any return from foreign investment and discourages further investment. This leads industrial states to stockpile specific goods through what amounts to barter rather than to encourage free trade and foreign investment. Certainly Japan's experience in China, Manchuria, and Korea - as well as British experience there and in India and Iran - demonstrates the fact that the reaction which sets in when trade and investment are undertaken may be much more costly than was calculated when that trade was originally contemplated. Such costs, while no part of those calculated by the trader or investor, are real and must be borne by the system in which he functions; other groups in the system who share the costs may choose to continue to pay them or may turn to any other available alternative.

Those who foresee a rapid expansion of industrial converters all over the world overlook many instructive examples. An outstanding one is the experience of the British in Ireland. In spite of tremendous effort, backed by overwhelming might, the British were finally forced to abandon the idea that the cultivation of large estates in Ireland could be made to yield large agricultural surpluses for Britain. In the United States even a Civil War costing four hundred thousand lives, forty billions of dollars, and untold misery failed immediately to create a new energy base for the South. Until quite recently, alongside the greatest concentration of industrial converters in the world, Southerners preserved a culture basically little different in energy terms from that of Egypt under the Pharaohs. The refusal of the French peasant, given a unified piece of land after the First World War, to keep it intact so that machinery could effectively be used is another case in point. Western theory has too long neglected the implications of this type of reaction to trade-induced change.

We have given too little consideration to the way in which trade disrupted Eastern culture. In China, for example, the introduction of cotton and silk from industrial countries had the effect of reducing productivity among those peasants who had hitherto used sheep to convert the grass of the cemetery and silkworms to convert the mulberry leaves that grew along the canals into fiber which frequently not only clothed them but also created surplus with which to pay taxes and to buy necessary articles from the towns. Cheap cotton, wool, and rayon from the West destroyed their market. With this source of income gone, many peasants lost their ability to hold on to their land. As Fei and Chiang {12} put it, "It seems that the main cause of the concentration of landownership in the hands of town-dwellers lies primarily in the decline of rural industry". As a consequence, much of the "liberty" which was bestowed upon the merchant by Western intervention had the effect of producing penury for the peasant. Efforts of the Kuomintang to introduce in China the Japanese methods of breeding silkworms and spinning and reeling silk with the aid of constant-speed electrical motors at central stations were defeated by the fact that these methods, similarly, had the effect of reducing the opportunity for productive activity among peasants who had to live by that activity.

It must constantly be kept in mind that mechanized agriculture reduces the number of people that can locally live off the land, so that if it is to be adopted something must constantly intervene in the food-raising area to induce reduction in the local population. Whether that reduction comes about through starvation, migration, infanticide, or birth control is only in part a matter of local choice; it is sometimes wholly determined by outsiders with power to implement their demands. In effect, industrial areas can ordain starvation in rural areas by preventing migration from those areas and at the same time removing surplus food from the land. They may concurrently invoke values which lead to increased survival (for example, decry infanticide and birth control) and take away the means by which that survival is made possible. It is not surprising that in these circumstances there is confusion, cynicism, and social disorganization.

This disorganization has been greatly intensified by the social and economic instability of industrial countries. Recurrent wars have had the effect of producing repeatedly a situation in which for a time the price of food is very high. During these periods mechanized agriculture is likely to be widely extended. Then, when war has ceased, areas which in wartime imported food are confronted with a choice between continuing to import food, and purchasing the products of high-energy technology. When food and human effort begin to compete for employment against fuel and its converters, the real costs of mechanized agriculture begin to show up. It becomes obvious in many cases that the costs of mechanized agriculture are too high to be sustained in the face of competition with the machine in industry or with hoe cultures and their "cheap" labor. Unless some cultural factor is set up to protect food raisers, disaster will follow. As soon as surplus food is available, at which point it must be measured by at least some of its potential users in terms of the energy which its converter, man, will yield in competition with other converters, food will no long command a price which reflects its unique function. The relative inefficiency of agriculture in producing surplus energy forces the price of food to a level which provides the food raiser with little more than his own subsistence, and even then much food becomes a glut on the market. And in the meantime food raisers lose their ability to claim the products which other industries are set up to deliver to them.

PROBLEMS OF AGRICULTURE IN THE HIGH-ENERGY SOCIETY

As we shall point out later, the widespread use of high-energy technology has had the effect of enormously increasing the range of adjustments which are made through the use of the price mechanism. This has been particularly disastrous to agriculture. It is not possible quickly to increase or decrease the factors affecting either the supply of or the demand for food, yet the price of food in industrial societies with a free market fluctuates more wildly than that of any other product. In agriculture taken as a whole, as distinguished from a group of diversified farmers in a favored area, changes in supply cannot quickly be made and consequently price fluctuates with demand. Demand in turn varies with conditions beyond the power of farmers to manipulate them. This is complicated by the fact that a shift in demand from beef or poultry, for example, to cereals has the effect of increasing the supply of cereals in relation to the demand for them. Industrial unemployment thus translates itself into immediate effects in terms of both reduced demand for and increased supply of certain foods. Furthermore, since many industrial workers are members of farm families and return to the farm when unemployed, industrial unemployment also increases the supply of farm labor at a time when it is employable only by increasing the supply of food or by decreasing the use of farm machinery. This also accentuates the instability of the demand for industrial products. It is little wonder that, all over the world, agricultural populations have rebelled against the operations of the pricing system. Schultz {12} points out that "the excess supply of resources in agriculture is primarily labor" and on the other hand that "the movement of labor resources into and out of agriculture has not been consistent with changes in prices. The cause for this paradox is that another economic force has superseded the effects of changes in relative prices. The availability or non-availability of jobs [in industry] has been the dominating force."

The minimum size of the farm which can effectively use large amounts of power is constantly increasing. Moreover, to maintain fertility a good deal of land has to be operated in rotation. This is no particular handicap where the tools are simple and the prime mover cheap, but when special machines are used, such as the hay baler, corn picker, and combine, it means that three complete sets of machines have to be used and that the land area in use each year for any one set must be great enough to justify its use. One study {14} showed that in Kentucky to use a disk harrow at a rate that would return its cost in 1946 prices, for both the machine and crops, required at least 200 acres. Tractor mowers required 100 acres. Hay balers required land yielding 150 tons, the combine 100 acres, the corn picker 75. Thus to use the baler and mower for the hay, the combine for the wheat, and the corn picker for the corn on a three-year rotation program requires for efficient operation 300 acres of land, even with a favorable ratio between food and agricultural machinery prices. On farms smaller than this the farmer is paying the implement maker part of the productivity derived from the land and from his labor. As we have already indicated, farms in the United States in 1950 averaged more than 215 acres; in that year there were more than 780,000 farms of over 260 acres in use.

The combined effects of shifting prices, fluctuating industrial employment, increased size of land unit, and increased capital investment are numerous, and they have revolutionized traditional farm life and farm communities. Fuel consumption and farm power and machinery have nearly doubled, and the proportion of income going for purchased inputs and depreciation has increased by approximately one-fifth since 1930. {15} Traditionally, farm income largely represented payments for services performed on the farm, that is, the income was largely disposable at the will of the owner. Today the farmer acts as collector for a good many men located in other sectors of the economy, over whom he exercises only the control that any other buyer in that market exercises, and on the same terms. The extreme variation in farm income as contrasted both with the stabilization of prices by institutional devices and with the more stable situation of industrial producers throws a great share of the risk upon the farmer. He must pay the suppliers of the goods and services he uses what they are able to get from other buyers, without reference to what he can get for his own product. The result has been an increasing demand for some form of insurance against these risks. The operations of the free market - which bring the farmer great gains during periods of food scarcity become an impossible burden when the number of those with access to food is limited while the productivity of industrial workers increases. The reaction, in many parts of the West is a demand for protection against industrialized agriculture abroad and "exploitation" by urbanites at home. Traditionally "liberal" policies are favorable only to the large farmer with adequate land located where he can rapidly shift production practices to meet changing demand. To do this he must be able to hire cheap migratory labor, for which he is responsible only a small part of the year, and be in many other respects quite untypical of food raisers in general.

There are also other necessary consequences industrialized agriculture which contravene past policy and make old institutions less efficient. The increase in the minimum size of the farm means a reduction in the number of farm owners and a great increase in the value of holdings. It is no longer a simple matter for a man to acquire the acreage necessary for efficient production, and it is almost impossible for him to save enough to supply other farms for his children. A farmer who is already possessed of large amounts of land can better afford to pay more for additional land which will make use of his now only partly employed equipment than one whose holdings are so small as to make the use of such equipment prohibitive. The aggregation of large farms in turn permits increased use of still more specialized equipment, earnings from which can be used to enlarge the production unit still further. Capital goes to those farms large enough to use it. {16} The result is a situation in which the farms that are "family-sized" in the technical sense that they can be farmed by an average family are tremendously larger than the farms that are family-sized in the sense that families are likely to be able to accumulate enough to purchase them, or to operate them once they are purchased, in the face of competition with large farmers. Moreover, in many countries the traditional system of inheritance requires division of the land among the children at the death of their parents. Thus the aggregation of land into larger units can be maintained after the death of the owner only by the sale of the farm and the division of its proceeds among the children or through some kind of arrangement which separates the function of ownership from that of management.

Demographic and Ecological Repercussions

The increase in the size of the farm has meant a great decrease in the density of the farm population in farming areas. In the United States the development of the railroad, which could cheaply carry the product of large farms to distant urban centers, together with the practices already discussed, led to residence on the farm, a pattern of agricultural living quite unlike that in older countries such as China, where, in the food-raising regions, villages are about as far apart as farm dwellings are in Iowa or Kansas. Here residence on the farm made it very difficult to obtain locally those goods and services which the villages provided in Europe and in Asia. To fill the need the mail-order house and the central market place, which could provide specialized services for a very extensive area, grew up. The decrease in local demand for these services reduced the demand for other services below the point necessary to support them. For example, the use of the mail-order house to supply implements reduced local demand for church services, schools, lodges, fire protection, theaters, doctors, and hospitals as well as stores, by the amount of demand that the machinery builders and agents of the implement manufacturers supplanted by the mail-order house would have created. The same holds, of course, for many other items, such as heating and plumbing, hardware and building supplies, et cetera.

Thus the reduction in local population had the effect of reducing effective demand for local services by far more than the difference in the number of persons required to till the farms. The outcome was a great reduction in the vitality of the village community in the farm areas and a transfer of functions to larger and more distant centers. Stewart has set forth statistical evidence indicating that the movement in the United States from farms to urban areas, if it continues to follow the present curve, will result in zero farm population. This situation is now approximated in some areas which formerly served subsistence farmers. In certain counties of Wisconsin increasingly populated by subsistence farmers living on scattered patches of fertile land, the costs of maintaining the schools, roads, utilities, welfare, and sanitary services demanded for all their people by the voters of the state mounted very high; to meet this situation the electorate in 1929 voted the complete removal of farmers from these areas and prohibited further farming there.

In some areas of the semiarid West, where farming could be made profitable only by the wholesale use of high-energy converters, the numbers of the needed continuous residents fell very low, and the overhead cost of maintaining families thus became very great. It was not profitable to farm if families were provided with adequate services either directly by the owner or by his paying sufficient wages or higher taxes. For example, where in order to profit it is necessary to operate 5,000 acres of land in a unit, on which machines might be used (for putting in the crop and taking it off) only twenty or thirty days a year, the maintenance of families during the whole year to supply the necessary labor becomes very uneconomical. If families remain on such large units, the bringing together of enough students in one school, or patients in one hospital, supplied with the equipment and trained professionals to provide the service expected, causes the costs per unit of service to mount so high as to be prohibitive except when very high returns can be made from the land. The result of economic choice is the temporary import of machines and men to put in the crop, and their temporary return to harvest it. In the years in which the crop is so small as to make harvesting prohibitively expensive, enough livestock to consume the scanty crop is put on the land to eat whatever has grown. Between times only a caretaker who will keep up the fences and prevent abuse of the land is needed. Frequently here, as in sheep-raising areas in Nevada, this task is assigned to bachelors or childless couples willing to live in almost complete isolation for fairly long periods. Similar land use is seen in Australia and New Zealand, where the use of refrigeration and ships as well as rail has brought about a situation in which the raising of livestock for a distant market brings greater return than subsistence farming. Here, too, the village community has lost many of its functions and a very large part of the population is urban.

We do not anticipate that the great bulk of farms will reach a parallel situation, for, as we have indicated, the mounting costs of mechanized farming are likely at some point to stop the further development of the process except in specialized circumstances such as those noted above. But it is quite probable that the ultimate limits to which it will go have not been reached.

The reduction of the number of those engaged in farming changes greatly the character of the political relations between farmers and other producers. The hold of the landowner in Britain was, as we have seen, finally broken with the repeal of the corn laws. The power of the farm bloc in the American Senate may disappear as suddenly as did the power of the old Tories in the British Parliament. The farm population will under such circumstances be at the mercy of the urban population.

The results of the process of limiting those with access to farm land to the number which will bring the greatest return to the farm owner manifests itself most completely in the sphere of international relations. Here those with only a limited amount of arable land can exert even less pressure to see that that land is used to feed their children than it is possible for them to apply in municipal politics or a local market.

The plains of Argentina, for example, might be made to provide subsistence for millions emigrating from Central and Mediterranean Europe or from Asia, but it is much more likely that these plains will continue primarily to supply meat for Western Europe. The sheep runs of Australia, which could be made to support a larger population of subsistence farmers and herders, are likely to continue, so long as the United States and Britain rule the seas, and seek these products, to provide wool and mutton instead. The probable future of Denmark is to continue to supply meat, milk, and cheese for the populations of industrial workers elsewhere in Western Europe rather than to increase her own population to the point where food must be consumed in the form of plant products. Eighty per cent of the farm area of the United States is used to produce feed for livestock. {17} Only one-ninth of the Calories this feed would yield is made available for human consumption. But with the increased number of industrial workers bidding for meat, milk, poultry, and dairy products, it is not likely that the American Middle West will revert to the earlier pattern of sending abroad large quantities of grain, pork, and lard. On the contrary, it is much more likely that Canadian and Argentine wheat farmers will yield to the demand for high-cost, high-profit products to supply the tables of industrial workers rather than continue to deliver breadstuffs to low-energy areas, or cut up the land so that more local subsistence farmers can use it.

Some Political Implications

The size of the modern state has been increasing. If a state is to be able to actually enforce its edicts, it must have the power to do so. At present many states are actually less powerful, either in influence or in the ability to command force, than some large organizations which function within their borders. The growth of great centers of industrial power dwarfs the power of neighboring states using low-energy techniques. The need for a mass market, as well as other elements which determine the scale of operations, necessitates a very large area of operations. On the other hand, the possibility of creating a common culture which will support and maintain a very large state is limited. It does not appear that the size of the unit necessary for military protection or industrial efficiency is coincident with these limits. At the moment it does not seem that world-wide detailed social organization is necessary for efficient operation of modern technology. Nor does such organization seem possible, given the cultural, geographic, and psychological limits which have combined historically to shape the world as it now is. There seem, to be limits on the size of the effective social unit: beyond a certain point organization cannot be made comprehensible enough for succeeding generations to learn to operate it. It thus appears that large units such as the USSR, the British Commonwealth, and perhaps the United States have reached the point where any technological gains to be derived from an increase in size would be outweighed by the increased costs of creating and maintaining the necessary social, political, and legal controls. Assuming that these organizations are big enough to maintain their military defense, enlargement would weaken rather than strengthen them. Within such units as these it seems apparent that the greatest per capita energy surplus can be secured through limiting the number of food raisers and population to a minimum set by mechanized agriculture and through maximizing production which can be carried on with the aid of energy from other sources. For those regions where the population-to-land ratio is already so high as to require the continued production of food even if that means "regression" toward hoe culture, there seems little prospect of relief to be obtained from the possessors of abundant converters and coal, oil, falling water, gas, and uranium, save in the acceptance by the great mass of the industrial people of the world of some universal self-denying moral and religious code.


Notes:

{1} Moore, Wilbert Ellis: Industrialization and Labor, published for New School for Social Research, Institute of World Affairs, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1951.

This book discusses at length and with full documentation the social consequences of industrializing a number of low-energy societies. It shows how resistance arises, the forms it takes, and some of the results. The case material on special situations in Mexico provides a means of estimating roughly the energy which would be required to alter some of the blocks
encountered.

{2} Lewis, Oscar: Life in a Mexican Village: Tepoztldn Revisited Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1951.

This is a reexamination of Tepoztlan, one of the villages studied by Redfield in the course of his work on the folk-urban classification of societies. For the characterization of the societies here called "low-energy" societies I have of course drawn largely on such studies as these. Lewis's book is particularly valuable because the "economic" base of the community is revealed so painstakingly in quantified terms which make comparison with other systems possible. The general tenor of his work and that of Redfield seems to be based upon the idea that industrialization will continue indefinitely in Mexico. Of this I am not nearly so certain as they.

{3} Lewis, cited, page 156.

{4} Curwen, E Cecil: Plough and Pasture, London: Cobbett Press, 1946, pages 48-49.

An expanded version of this book, containing a section by Gudmund Hatt, has been published in this country (New York: Abelard Press, Inc, 1953)

{5} Fei, Hsiao-tung, and Chih-i Chiang: Earthbound China: A Study of Rural Economy in Yunnan, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946.

{6} Mullins, Troy and M W Slusher: Comparison of Farming Systems for Large Rice Farms in Arkansas, June 1951, University of Arkansas, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station, cooperating with the US Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Fayetteville, Arkansas, Bulletin 509, page 36.

This is one of the very few reports which I was able to locate that provided all the data required to measure operations in energy terms. Undoubtedly a great deal of the field data basic to a very large number of other reports published in terms of monetary costs exist in terms which can be measured energywise. Should this approach prove fruitful, particularly in connection with such propositions as the Point Four program, publication of these data may be enlightening.

{7} Buck, John Lossing: Land Utilization in China, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, page 26.

{8} Lewis, cited, page 143.

{9} Low Cost Labor Power and Machinery Set-ups for Indiana Farms, Purdue University Agricultural Experiment Station cooperating with the Bureau of Agricultural Economics US Department of Agriculture. Bulletin 502, February, 1944.

{10} Jaffe, Abram J and C D Stewart: Manpower Resources and Utilization, New York, John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 1951.

The discussion shows how the number and kinds of workers are modified by changing social conditions.

{11} Keynes, John Maynard: The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, Inc, 1936.

Since Keynes's work has been so widely discussed, it is almost supererogation to cite it here. However, the struggle between Keynesian and anti-Keynsian is not resolved. Connection was made here chiefly to show how a shift in social objective from the championship of the theory that maximization of profits is an adequate measure of social welfare to the championship of the theory that practically puts "employment" in that position is related to the use of energy.

{12} Fei and Chiang, cited, page 6.

{13} Schultz, Theodore W: Production and Welfare of Agriculture: New York: The Macmillan Company, 1949, pages 87, 94.

Schultz urges the substitution or supplementation of price as a means of regulating agricultural production. Emphasis is on the effects that market operations are likely to have on the achievement of the social goal "to preserve agriculture as a way of life". The relative effectiveness with which farmers, as compared with their competitors, can deal with the events that control their fate as mediated in the market is given thoughtful treatment; it deserves wider consideration than it seems to have received.

{14} "Farm Horsepower", Fortune, vol 38, no 4, page 198, October 1948.

{15} Bachman, Kenneth L: "Changes in Scale in Commercial Farming and Their Implications", Journal of Farm Economics, vol 34, no 2, pages 157-172. May 1952.

{16} Schultz, cited, page 138.

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Thursday, November 17, 2005

On Dangers of Being an Insect with Wings ...

... and a Mysterious Instance of Mass Mailing

by Dmitry Podborits

www.livejournal.com/users.dpodbori (October 09 2005)



Have you ever wondered why various winged insects (such as moths or nocturnal butterflies) tend to behave as if they are attracted to artificial light sources? Isn't it harmful, and often suicidal, mode of behavior? After all, what is in it for them? Why waste time and energy on clumsy bumbling about a lamp or a candle, visible to all predators, in the company of other equally hapless creatures, and risk an untimely death by burning your delicate wings with a characteristic "Zap!"?

It turns out that this behavioral anomaly is largely well understood by biologists (although there is still scientific debate about details going on). It turns out that flying insects have built-in navigational systems based on the notion of light sources (eg, stars and the moon) being far, far away - an infinity away, as far as each insect is concerned. If such an insect needs to fly in a certain direction in the face of adversities such as winds and obstacles, all it needs to do is to strive to maintain a constant angle to one of such convenient light sources. This has been an invaluable and reliable navigational technique for more than 99.99% of the insects' evolutionary history, as the notion of a light source that is not, for all practical intents and purposes, an infinity away simply did not exist.

With the entrance of human-made light sources into the scene the situation for winged bugs changed dramatically. As each burning lamp or candle within a moth's view is clearly not an infinity away but only maybe some minutes or seconds of flight away, by maintaining a constant angle the moth will spiral towards the light source until it bumps into it, with all of the above-mentioned unpleasant consequences. It can be said that the notion of non-infinity, or finality of distance (to the light source) wreaks havoc with the sophisticated navigational system perfected over hundreds of millions of years and leads many a moth to their untimely demise.

For the purposes of this essay, I would like to slightly transcend the conventional terminology and propose that the moths are driven by, and fall victims of, an ideology of infinity, through which they view the world. After all, what is an ideology if not a way of looking at things, a word view (Weltanschauung) which serves the purpose of mapping the incredibly complex multi-dimensional reality into something more simple and manageable, at the expense of completeness. Any ideology purports to describe the world through a precanned systems of patterns and regularities. Without it, the vast randomness surrounding creatures and societies would remain, well, a vast randomness. Living creatures tend to fool themselves that by forcing complexity of reality into simplicity of ideologies they gain some control over the infinity of Tainterian challenges the Universe is presenting them with. Living creatures are, in fact, being fooled by randomness (for more treatment of this topic please see Fooled by Randomness by Nassim Taleb (W W Norton, 2001).

[Note that any ideology presupposes a fair amount of rigidity and inflexibility and is linked to the conditions under which the past generations of carriers of the ideology, and the ideology itself, have evolved. Without being rigid and past-oriented, there is really no ideology, as it would probably morph into something far less binding, such as tradition. The English language, for example, is nuanced enough to differentiate between, say, a religious ideology, and a religious tradition. The former presupposes projection of the the world view and the mode of behavior from the past into the future, in a fairly rigid way. The latter acknowledges the conditions under which the entity has evolved, but leaves enough flexibility to not to presuppose any fixed mode of behavior for the future.]

Thus, for the purposes of this essay, we can say that the moths are afflicted by ideology, and a fairly rigid one. (To those insisting on scientific rigor in every statement: please don't indict me for excessive anthropocentrism just yet. You don't think that it's the moths who I really have in mind when writing this, do you?).

I wonder what a moth could tell about its experience as it diligently followed the signals coming from its infinity-based navigational system processed by ideological centers in its brain. Moth's main indicator of direction, as we know, is the angle that it is able to maintain to the lamp. So, as it sufficiently approaches the lamp, it starts to decend down to it in a sort of a "mortal spiral". However, as it circles closer and closer, it will have to resist ever-increasing centrifugal forces, which must appear to the moth as an external force (such as the wind) attempting to blow it off-course and prevent it from maintaining the right angle. The moth's answer to this circumstance is quite logical, from its ideology's perspective: to overcome the adversal force it needs to redouble its efforts, increase its wing power, flap its wings ever more frantically and do its best to maintain the sacred angle until the burning sensation felt during the impact with the lamp's glass does not evoke some other kind of response.

The lengths to which I am going to describe the trials and tribulations of lowly insects in a blog mostly dedicated to the members of a different biological class may be surprising to some readers. After all, how is their plight relevant to ours? Okay, it's true that insects, to borrow a phrase from the famous biologist Richard Dawkins, the author of The Selfish Gene (Oxford University Press, 1990), are "highly tuned pieces of survival machinery", and it is also indisputable that over their hundreds of millions of years of history on this planet they have seen many different creatures (some of whom may have initially shown a lot of promise) come and go. But don't we have a key advantage over them that we are basically, much, much smarter, and are capable of learning? We evolve techniques, they don't. We invented industrial agriculture, representative government, professional boxing, telemarketing and credit derivatives. They just keep on flapping their wings as they did a hundred million years ago.

Yes, all of this is true, but I believe that we have lessons to learn from the butterflies (that would only be fitting for creatures professing to be capable of learning).

One of the lessons is that if we interpret reality through some sort of an ideological lense, then our adaptations to reality are only as good as that lense. Whatever signal makes it through the lense, distorted or not, it IS our reality - up to the point until we feel the burning sensation in our wing area accompanied by "Zap!". The lenses many of us wear are surprisingly rigid. Jim Kunstler often talks about the psychology of the previous investment - the phenomena preventing living organisms (not just people) to assess the value of objects independently from the organisms' own history with these objects, including the amount of pain and suffering - literally and figuratively - that the organisms incurred to acquire the objects in question. From this immediately follows that our value system is highly, to use a mathematical term, path-dependent, and that decisions made at points of bifurcation (the forks on the road) get immediately elevated to the status of "it was the right thing to do".

Well, then, the corollary of the above blather is that the conditions of the past form the lenses through which we view the future. The key difference between us and earlier generations is that the finality of our "distance to the lamp" is getting harder and harder to ignore. If you are a moth and the lamp is a mile away, then your navigational error compared to the lamp being a light year away maybe small enough to ignore. But what is the cutoff point? How close do you need to get to the lamp before you say to yourself: "I am very greatful to the moth Gods who equipped me with a navigational system which reliably allowed me to travel thus far. But I am even more greatful that they created me with the courage and the wisdom to recognize that this navigational system is no longer adequate for my current location in space and time. Thus, I hereby announce my plan to stop relying on that system and commence a transitional period during which I will mobilize myself to create a more fitting one"? You can see that the term "creeping normalcy" and the Aesopean tale about a frog who failed to recognize the gradual temperature increase of water in the pot and who found itself cooked maybe relevant here.

* * * * *

I fancy myself someone who pays attention to the issues related to the economics and finance, and thus don't hold the great Efficient Markets Hypothesis (which forms the foundation of the modern finance) in a particularly high regard (those who read my criticism of the authors of
Freakonomics with respect to their public stance on Peak Oil will not be surprised by this my view). Make no mistake - the modern financial theory, and mathematics it is expressed in, is supremely beautiful, elegant and remains one of the crown achievments of human intellect; it's the assertions or assumptions that it adequately describes reality that we live in that I consider dangerous in their cluelessness.

It has to be further differentiated, however, between the dynamics in the markets of abstract financial products and the markets of commodities available in finite quantities, such as petroleum.

Devastating blows have been dealt to the Efficient Markets Hypothesis as it applies even to highly abstract financial constructs such as financial derivatives, and fortunes have been made exploiting various cracks and holes in it (see above-mentioned book by Nassim Taleb, who is a practicing hedge fund manager, for example). George Soros, a long-time critic of Efficient Markets Hypothesis, who has made many billions of dollars trading commodities and currencies while at the helm of his Quantum fund over decades betting AGAINST the prevailing financial theory, catalogues its inadequacies in great detail in his book The Crisis of Global Capitalism (PublicAffairs, 1998). Many people are familiar with the brief history and collapse of the Long Term Capital Management in 1998 which almost caused the world economy to tank; however the following irony (which can be described as delicious) maybe lost on some people:

* The LTCM founders included famed financial theorists who were awarded Nobel prize for the theoretical breakthroughs on which the modern financial theory is based; the chief assumption of the modern financial theory, of course, being the Efficient Markets Hypothesis;

* The charter of the LTCM was to exploit market abberations and deviations from Efficient Markets Hypothesis for fun and profit; the assumption apparently was that those who made a spectacular career deriving financial theory from Efficient Markets Hypothesis would be best-qualified to understand where and how it doesn't correlate with reality;

* Thus their understanding of shortcomings and inadequacies of their own theory was ruthlessly tested by merciless reality yet again when their assumptions about their theory's inadequacies turned out to be non-realistic and led to the fund's spectacular collapse; the financial crisis of the US and world economy was averted, however, by Alan Greenspan's decidedly non-free market move, specifically by "persuading" the heads of US largest banks and financial institutions to make multi-billion dollar capital injections the into sinking LTCM's market positions (for more details, read When Genius Failed (Random House, 2001), the financial journalist Roger Lowenstein's account of LTCM's history and collapse).

However, regardless of its basis in reality, I hold that purely financial storms in the ocean of the world economy are relatively harmless. Ultimately, the real question of any financial instrument is the question of value and risk, both expressed in purely monetary terms, that is, how much "a rational agent" should pay for the right to acquire this asset, and what risk the owner of the asset could incur in the case of adverse market conditions. Expressed in purely monetary terms, incorrect value assessment mechanisms will result in "rebalancings", plain and simple, as money would be changing hands as markets would reevaluate the "real" value of the assets. Some savvy people and institutions would find themselves in this scheme richer - at the expense of reckless or miscalculating others. But ultimately, the money stays within the sea of the economy, only ebbs on one shore and flows to the other, in a tide-like pattern. Moreover, with entities like Federal Reserve chartered with maintaining the optimal for the economy level of water in the sea, it will be all but insured that no shore will find itself dangerously dry: one of the raisons d'etre of the Fed is to maintain liquidity in the economic sea. In fact, the sea will be perenially expanding as prodigious amounts of liquidity are constantly being pumped into it.

Thus, it is important to stress that our "financial" value system is entirely based on the notions of infinity and continuity, as it projects monetary expansion (underpinned by the economic growth) indefinitely into the future. For example, given the projected rates of monetary expansion (expressed in interest rate curves) markets routinely ask, and answer, questions such as - if someone promises to pay me one thousand dollars in 2045, how much would I pay for this promissory note today, in 2005? Infinity and continuity is the very fabric from which the "modern finance"-based value system is created. The recognition of its own finality, of discontinuities lying ahead, is not something that modern financial theory is capable of - no more than a butterfly maintaining the proper angle to the light source is capable of distinguishing between finite and infinite.

[Another example comes to mind - for those familiar with classical Euclidian geometry and Einstein's General Relativity. Imagine someone attempting to describe galaxy-scaled systems based on Euclidian geometry, to which an infinite straight line is a very fundamental notion. However, the space itself is being warped by massive objects, such as planets, stars, and black holes. The latter, through their exhorbitant mass, create discontinuities in space-time. Thus, a notion of a straight line, as exhibited, for example by a ray of light, is meaningless without taking these discontinuities into account. Modern financial theory is like Eucliadian geometry based on infinite straight lines and purporting to describe reality, but ignoring a massive black hole easily observed in the neighborhood.]

As lakes of ink have already been spilled over the economic impact of peak oil, I will avoid providing yet another speculation-ridden analysis here. However, from the above it may be concluded that the modern financial theory and the modern financial practice will find themselves to be less and less correlated with reality - just like the navigational system of a moth sufficiently close to a light source - as their infinity-based value assessment mechanisms will be ever more warped by the increasingly "unbearable finality of being".

In the ensued turmoil, alternative valuation schemes will be experimented with, new valuations will be assigned to the presently existing portfolios, new notions of financial risk and new methods of calculating it will emerge, and new financial theory will be developed. However, the process may not be orderly. One of the prominent economists of our time, Paul Samuelson, described the process of knowledge acquisition thus: "funeral by funeral, the theory advances" (which fits well into the "ideological lenses" observations in the first part of this article). I imagine, however, that some big discoveries in what constitutes and what doesn't constitute value, and how it should and should not be assessed, may be made in the coming months and years by the present, not some future, generation of economic theorists and practitioners.

* * * * *

I was still entertaining the thought of the possibly stark contrast between the current and the future ways of assessing value as I came across an article in Boston Globe describing ongoing debate between the architects, urban planners, and other interested parties regarding the future of suburban development.

The article, titled "The Virtues of Sprawl", and subtitled "Sprawl isn't what it used to be, some experts contend. Is it time we stopped worrying and learned to love the subdivision?" - was published on October 2nd, 2005. {1}

The journalist who wrote the article did his best to present the views expressed by different schools of thought in a fair and balanced way; clearly, however, he wanted to finish on an optimistic note, as he concluded with remarks by this expert:

"Ultimately, says Joel Kotkin {2}, author of The City: A Global History (Modern Library, 2005), "The problems of sprawl have to be solved within the context of sprawl. You're not going to stop it. You can't reengineer society by getting everyone to move back to Boston. Forget about it. It's not happening."

As I was reading these remarks, I imagined the following letter mass-mailed by some mysterious unknown sender simultaniusly to many politicians, economists, business leaders, urban planners and other powers that be:

Dear [name withheld]:

I regret to inform you that I have decided not to extend into the future the conditions under which your present living arrangements have evolved.

Please be advised that the negotiations regarding your future living arrangements are currently underway. I would like to emphasize that your participation in this negotiation process is not, strictly speaking, required.

However, I hereby inform you that your continued absence from the above negotiation process will result in that your future living arrangements will be decided for you.

Please let me know if you have any questions.

With best wishes, Your Reality.




Will the addressees open the envelope or consider it junk mail?


Notes

{1} http://www.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2005/10/02/the_virtues_of_sprawl?mode=PF

{2} Joel Kotkin is senior fellow with the Pepperdine University Institute for Public Policy and the Pacific Research Institute. He is a frequent contributor to the Opinion pages of the Los Angeles Times and the Wall Street Journal and an author of several books


http://www.livejournal.com/users/dpodbori/1369.html


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Wednesday, November 16, 2005

War Without Rules

Yes, the US has used chemical weapons

by George Monbiot

Published in the Guardian (November 15 2005)



Did US troops use chemical weapons in Falluja? The answer is yes. The proof is not to be found in the documentary broadcast on Italian TV last week, which has generated gigabytes of hype on the internet. It's a turkey, whose evidence that white phosphorus was fired at Iraqi troops is flimsy and circumstantial {1}. But the bloggers debating it found the smoking gun.

The first account they unearthed comes from a magazine published by the US Army. In the March 2005 edition of Field Artillery, officers from the 2nd Infantry's Fire Support Element boast about their role in the attack on Falluja in November last year. On page 26 is the following text. "White Phosphorous. WP proved to be an effective and versatile munition. We used it for screening missions at two breeches and, later in the fight, as a potent psychological weapon against the insurgents in trench lines and spider holes when we could not get effects on them with HE [high explosives]. We fired 'shake and bake' missions at the insurgents, using WP to flush them out and HE to take them out." {2}

The second comes from a report in California's North County Times, by a staff reporter embedded with the Marines during the siege of Falluja in April 2004. "'Gun up!' Millikin yelled ... grabbing a white phosphorus round from a nearby ammo can and holding it over the tube. 'Fire!' Bogert yelled, as Millikin dropped it. The boom kicked dust around the pit as they ran through the drill again and again, sending a mixture of burning white phosphorus and high explosives they call 'shake 'n bake' into a cluster of buildings where insurgents have been spotted all week." {3}

White phosporus is not listed in the schedules of the Chemical Weapons Convention. It can be legally used as a flare to illuminate the battlefield, or to produce smoke to hide troop movements from the enemy. Like other unlisted substances, it may be deployed for "Military purposes ... not dependent on the use of the toxic properties of chemicals as a method of warfare" {4}. But it becomes a chemical weapon as soon as it is used directly against people. A chemical weapon can be "any chemical which through its chemical action on life processes can cause death, temporary incapacitation or permanent harm" {5}.

White phosphorus is fat-soluble and burns spontaneously on contact with the air. According to globalsecurity.org, "The burns usually are multiple, deep, and variable in size. The solid in the eye produces severe injury. The particles continue to burn unless deprived of atmospheric oxygen ... If service members are hit by pieces of white phosphorus, it could burn right down to the bone." {6} As it oxidises, it produces a smoke composed of phosphorous pentoxide. According to the standard US industrial safety sheet, the smoke "releases heat on contact with moisture and will burn mucous surfaces ... Contact with substance can cause severe eye burns and permanent damage". {7}

Until last week, the US State Department maintained that US forces used white phosphorus shells "very sparingly in Fallujah, for illumination purposes. They were fired into the air to illuminate enemy positions at night, not at enemy fighters." {8} Confronted with the new evidence, on Thursday it changed its position. "We have learned that some of the information we were provided ... is incorrect. White phosphorous shells, which produce smoke, were used in Fallujah not for illumination but for screening purposes, that is, obscuring troop movements and, according to ... Field Artillery magazine, 'as a potent psychological weapon against the insurgents in trench lines and spider holes ...' The article states that US forces used white phosphorous rounds to flush out enemy fighters so that they could then be killed with high explosive rounds." {9} The US government, in other words, appears to admit that white phosphorus was used in Falluja as a chemical weapon.

The invaders have been forced into a similar climbdown over the use of napalm in Iraq. In December 2004, the Labour MP Alice Mahon asked the British armed forces minister Adam Ingram "whether napalm or a similar substance has been used by the Coalition in Iraq (a) during and (b) since the war". "No napalm", the minister replied, "has been used by Coalition forces in Iraq either during the war-fighting phase or since". {10}

This seemed odd to those who had been paying attention. There were widespread reports that in March 2003 US Marines had dropped incendiary bombs around the bridges over the Tigris and the Saddam Canal on the way to Baghdad. The commander of Marine Air Group 11 admitted that "We napalmed both those approaches" {11}. Embedded journalists reported that napalm was dropped at Safwan Hill on the border with Kuwait {12}. In August 2003 the Pentagon confirmed that the Marines had dropped "Mark 77 firebombs". Though the substance they contained was not napalm, its function, the Pentagon's information sheet said, was "remarkably similar" {13}. While napalm is made from petrol and polystyrene, the gel in the Mark 77 is made from kerosene and polystyrene. I doubt it makes much difference to the people it lands on.

So in January this year, the MP Harry Cohen refined Alice Mahon's question. He asked "whether Mark 77 firebombs have been used by Coalition forces". "The United States", the minister replied "have confirmed to us that they have not used Mark 77 firebombs, which are essentially napalm canisters, in Iraq at any time". {14} The US government had lied to him. Mr Ingram had to retract his statements in a private letter to the MPs in June {15}.

We were told that the war with Iraq was necessary for two reasons. Saddam Hussein possessed biological and chemical weapons and might one day use them against another nation. And the Iraqi people needed to be liberated from his oppressive regime, which had, among its other crimes, used chemical weapons to kill them. Tony Blair, Colin Powell, William Shawcross, David Aaronovitch, Nick Cohen, Ann Clwyd and many others referred, in making their case, to Saddam's gassing of the Kurds in Halabja in 1988. They accused those who opposed the war of caring nothing for the welfare of the Iraqis.

Given that they care so much, why has none of these hawks spoken out against the use of unconventional weapons by coalition forces? Ann Clwyd, the Labour MP who turned from peace campaigner to chief apologist for an illegal war, is, as far as I can discover, the only one of these armchair warriors to engage with the issue. In May this year, she wrote to the Guardian to assure us that reports that a "modern form of napalm" has been used by US forces "are completely without foundation. Coalition forces have not used napalm - either during operations in Falluja, or at any other time." {16} How did she know? The foreign office minister told her. Before the invasion, Ann Clwyd travelled through Iraq to investigate Saddam's crimes against his people. She told the Commons that what she had discovered moved her to tears. After the invasion, she took the minister's word at face value, when a thirty-second search on the internet could have told her it was bunkum. It makes you wonder whether she, or any of the other enthusiasts for war, really gave a damn about the people for whom they claimed to be campaigning.

Saddam Hussein, facing a possible death sentence, is accused of mass murder, torture, false imprisonment, the embezzlement of billions and the use of chemical weapons. He is certainly guilty on all counts. So, it now seems, are the people who overthrew him.

www.monbiot.com

References:

1. You can watch the film at http://www.rainews24.rai.it/ran24/inchiesta/video.asp

2. Captain James T. Cobb, First Lieutenant Christopher A. LaCour and Sergeant First Class William H Hight, March 2005. TF 2-2 in FSE AAR: Indirect Fires in the Battle of Fallujah. Field Artillery, March-April 2005.

3. Darrin Mortenson, 10th April 2004. Violence subsides for Marines in Fallujah. North County Times. http://www.nctimes.com/articles/2004/04/11/military/iraq/19_30_504_10_04.txt

4. Article 2.9c. Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. The Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.

5. Article 2.2.

6. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/systems/munitions/wp.htm

7. Mallinckrodt Baker, Inc, 2nd November 2001. Material Safety Data Sheet: Phosphorus Pentoxide. http://164.107.52.42/MSDS/P/phosphorous%20pentoxide.pdf

8. US State Department, viewed 9th November 2005. Did the US Use "Illegal" Weapons in Fallujah? http://usinfo.state.gov/media/Archive_Index/Illegal_Weapons_in_Fallujah.html

9. US State Department, viewed 14th November 2005. Did the US Use "Illegal" Weapons in Fallujah? http://usinfo.state.gov/media/Archive_Index/Illegal_Weapons_in_Fallujah.html

10. Adam Ingram, 6th December 2004. Written Answer. Hansard Column 339W, 201991.
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200405/cmhansrd/cm041206/text/41206w19.htm

11. Colonel Randolph Alles, quoted by James W Crawley, 5th August 2003. Officials confirm dropping firebombs on Iraqi troops. San Diego Union-Tribune. http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/military/20030805-9999_1n5bomb.html

12. Eg Martin Savidge, 22nd March 2003. Protecting Iraq's oil supply. CNN.
http://edition.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/meast/03/21/otsc.irq.savidge/

13. James W Crawley, 5th August 2003. Officials confirm dropping firebombs on Iraqi troops. San Diego Union-Tribune. http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/military/20030805-9999_1n5bomb.html

14. Adam Ingram, 11th January 2005. Written Answer. Hansard Column 374W, 207246. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200405/cmhansrd/cm050111/text/50111w01.htm#50111w01.html_sbhd3

15. Colin Brown, 17th June 2005. US lied to Britain over use of napalm in Iraq war. The Independent.

16. Ann Clwyd, 2nd May 2005. Letter to The Guardian.

http://www.monbiot.com/archives/2005/11/15/war-without-rules/


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Tuesday, November 15, 2005

Prepare for Peak Oil Now

by Richard Heinberg

AlterNet (November 14 2005)


Editor's Note: This paper, exclusively available to AlterNet, was presented at a Reception with Their Royal Highnesses The Prince of Wales and the Duchess of Cornwall, at the California Leaders Round Table Dialogue on Peak Oil, Climate Change and Business Action (November 7 2005) in San Francisco.


The subject I teach - human ecology - is a discipline that largely concerns population and resources. Over the past few years I have chosen to study oil, because it is the most important energy resource of the modern world.

Only 150 years ago, 85 percent of all work being accomplished in the US economy was done by muscle power - most of that by animal muscle, about a quarter of it by human muscle. Today, that percentage is effectively zero; virtually all of the physical work supporting our economy is done by fuel-fed machines. What caused this transformation? Quite simply, it was oil's comparative cheapness and versatility. Perhaps you have had the experience of running out of gas and having to push your car a few feet to get it off the road. That's hard work. Now imagine pushing your car twenty or thirty miles. That is the service performed for us by a single gallon of gasoline, for which we currently pay $2.65. That gallon of fuel is the energy equivalent of roughly six weeks of hard human labor.

It was inevitable that we would become addicted to this stuff, once we had developed a few tools for using it and for extracting it. Today petroleum provides 97 percent of our transportation fuel, and is also a feedstock for chemicals and plastics.

It is no exaggeration to say that we live in a world that runs on oil.

However, oil is a finite resource. Therefore the peaking and decline of world oil production are inevitable events - and on that there is scarcely any debate; only the timing is uncertain. Forecast dates for the peak range from this year to 2035.

The peaking phenomenon itself has been observed again and again in individual oil fields and in entire producing nations. One of the first countries to hit its peak was the US. During the 1930s and 1940s, half the world's production of petroleum came from Texas and Oklahoma. However, US production reached its all-time maximum in 1970 and has been declining ever since. Currently the US imports sixty percent of its oil.

Concern over the likelihood of an impending world peak has increased markedly in recent months as global spare production capacity has dwindled and as prices have achieved what seems to be a new baseline of over $50 per barrel.

Evidence that we are approaching peak includes the following:

* ExxonMobil documents that global oil discoveries peaked in 1964. Declining rates of discovery are therefore a long-established trend.

* Chevron notes in recent advertisements that 33 of 48 nations are in decline. We have thus seen the peaking of production in a majority of individual nations, including some important producers such as Indonesia, Norway, Great Britain, and Venezuela. Mexico will reach its peak within the next two years.

* As noted by the International Energy Agency, there is evidence that a substantial amount of "proven reserves" in OPEC countries are illusory, the result of a scramble for market share within a cartel that allocates export quotas based on stated reserves.


With regard to this last point it should be noted that reserves figures, even when accurate, have historically given little warning of peaking. The US instance is once again emblematic: in 1970, US oil reserves were higher than ever; so were production rates. But only a year later, American production began its terminal decline. The study of discovery rates and depletion rates gives us a much better idea of when the global peak is likely to occur.

Optimistic estimates of future discovery and production issued by Cambridge Energy Research Associates and the US Geological Survey have been criticized by several analysts. The optimists have generally failed to anticipate peaks, first in the US and repeatedly in the case of other nations around the world.

This morning the International Energy Agency (IEA) issued a statement saying that the world will have sufficient energy supplies for the next quarter century. However, the statement noted the necessity of the investment of $17 trillion in the supply train in order to maintain sufficiency for so long. Also, the IEA anticipates Saudi Arabian production expanding to eighteen million barrels per day by 2030 - a figure considerably higher than the maximum possible rate of production from that country cited not long ago by Sadad al Husseini, the recently retired head of exploration for Saudi Aramco.

Expressions of concern have been voiced by corporations, prominent organizations, and knowledgeable individuals, including ChevronTexaco, the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, Volvo, Ford Motor Company Executive Vice President Mark Fields, the Chinese Offshore Oil Corporation's chief economist, and numerous petroleum scientists and oil industry analysts.

The question immediately arises: Will alternative sources be able to make up the difference?

Alternative sources often discussed include oil sands from Canada, shale oil in Colorado, coal-to-liquids, gas-to-liquids, nuclear, and renewables such as solar and wind. Each of these will require immense investment and well over a decade of intense effort in order to produce substantial quantities of energy to offset declines from fossil fuels. And in most cases, rates of production are and will be constrained by non-economic factors. Take the oil sands, for example. Currently Canada produces one million barrels of synthetic crude per day from that source. There is expectation of two million barrels per day by 2010, and perhaps as much as four million barrels per day by 2025. We are unlikely to see higher numbers than that even with extraordinary capital investment, because the production process requires large amounts of natural gas and fresh water, both in short supply in Alberta. Moreover, according to the IEA, the world needs six million barrels per day of new production capacity each year (and that number is growing) to meet new demand and to offset depletion from existing fields.

How about increased efficiency - surely that can offset any potential oil supply problems. In principle, yes, but most efficiency strategies will likewise require significant lead times. For example, we have the technology now to enable all of us who own cars to be driving ones that get up to 100 miles per gallon. If we were, that would obviously save an enormous amount of fuel. But how long would it take to implement that strategy? It would certainly take four or five years for Detroit to begin producing such high-efficiency cars in large numbers.

Then, not everyone buys a new car every year. In fact, it takes about fifteen years to change out nearly the entire US car and truck fleet. So, altogether, it would take about twenty years to fully implement this particular efficiency strategy.

Will the market be able to respond quickly enough to forestall serious economic, social, and political impacts? It is often said that the Stone Age did not end for lack of stones, nor will the Oil Age end because we run out of petroleum - but instead because we find a cheaper source of energy. However, as we have just seen, that cheaper source of energy has yet to be identified.

Early this year a report was released, prepared for the US Department of Energy by a team led by Robert L Hirsch, who has a distinguished background in the oil industry and is a senior energy analyst at SAIC and the Rand Corporation. The Hirsch Report (titled "Peaking of World Oil Production: Impacts, Mitigation and Risk Management") concludes that price signals will arrive at least ten years too late to enable a gentle, market-led transition away from oil to other energy sources. The report describes Peak Oil as an "unprecedented" challenge for modern societies, and describes economic, social, and political risks if preparation is not undertaken soon enough, or on adequate scale.

Let me read you a few sentences from the Hirsch Report:

"The problems associated with world oil production peaking will not be temporary, and past 'energy crisis' experience will provide relatively little guidance. The challenge of oil peaking deserves immediate, serious attention, if risks are to be fully understood and mitigation begun on a timely basis. Mitigation will require a minimum of a decade of intense, expensive effort, because the scale of liquid fuels mitigation is inherently extremely large. Intervention by governments will be required, because the economic and social implications of oil peaking would otherwise be chaotic."


The report also concludes that the costs of preparing too late for global oil peak would far outweigh those of preparing too early.

The worst-case scenario for the impact of global production peak is very bad indeed. As I mentioned earlier, we are extremely dependent on oil for transportation, agriculture, plastics, and chemicals. In each area, we are already seeing serious impacts resulting from current prices in the $60-per-barrel range. For example,

Currently tens of thousands of farmers are agonizing over whether they can afford to plant next year's crop, given high fuel and fertilizer costs.

Chemicals and plastics industries are already hard hit: In the chemistry industry alone, more than 100 plants have closed and more than 100,000 jobs have been lost just this year.

In the airline industry, forty percent of revenues go to pay for jet fuel; most US air carriers are already in bankruptcy or nearing that situation.

Home heating costs are projected to be forty to fifty percent higher this winter than last.

As prices go even higher, and with actual scarcities of fuel, people will experience difficulties commuting, and the maintenance of our far-flung food distribution systems may become problematic.

On top of all this, oil is a strategic resource: as supplies become scarce, there is increasing likelihood of international conflict.

To avoid the worst-case scenario we must begin today to reduce our dependence on oil. The effort must have top priority. It must focus primarily on reducing demand, and only secondarily on producing large quantities of alternative transportation fuels.

A global Oil Depletion Protocol would reduce price volatility and competition for remaining supplies, while encouraging nations to move quickly to wean themselves from petroleum. In essence, the Protocol would be an agreement whereby producing nations would plan to produce less oil with each passing year (and that will not be so difficult, because few are still capable of maintaining their current rates in any case); and importing nations would agree to import less each year. That may seem a bitter pill to swallow.

However, without a Protocol - essentially a system for global oil rationing - we will see extremely volatile prices that will undermine the economies of all nations, and all industries and businesses. We will also see increasing international competition for oil likely leading to conflict; and if a general oil war were to break out, everyone would lose. Given the alternatives, the Protocol clearly seems preferable.

National governments, local municipalities, corporations, and private individuals will all need to contribute to the effort to wean ourselves from oil, an effort that must quickly expand to include a reduction in dependence on other fossil fuels as well.

All of this will constitute an immense challenge for our species in the coming century. We will meet that challenge successfully only if we begin immediately.


Copyright 2005 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.

http://www.alternet.org/story/28212/

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Monday, November 14, 2005

The Anti-Empire Report

Some things you need to know before the world ends

by William Blum

www.killinghope.org (November 10 2005)



Bird flu and capitalism

Preparing for and combating the threatened bird flu pandemic would be tough enough under the best of circumstances. But the circumstances the United States has to deal with include the reality that the country, more than any other on earth, is privately owned. It's corporations that we have to rely on to make virtually all the vaccines and drugs needed. The corporations, however, need financial incentives, perhaps the government paying for most or all of the research, and then turning the patent over to the corporations, as has often been the case; the corporations are concerned with being stuck with the cost of overproduction if it turns out that there's no pandemic; they're concerned about lawsuits from the inevitable cases of individuals who suffer ill effects from the vaccines or drugs; they get rather upset about a generic version being made available anywhere in the world; and they're highly concerned about obtaining a suitable profit margin, perhaps leading them to hold back on the supply to cause the price to rise. On top of all that, the corporate medical system has dumped millions of uninsured people into society's lap.

How will these people fare during a pandemic?

What is needed is a mobilization reminiscent of World War Two. At that time the government commandeered the auto manufacturers to make tanks and jeeps instead of private cars. When a pressing need for an atom bomb was seen, Washington did not ask for bids from the private sector; it created the Manhattan Project to do it itself, with no concern for liability protection or profit margins. Women and blacks were given skilled factory jobs they had been traditionally denied. Hollywood was enlisted to make propaganda films. Indeed, much of the nation's activities, including farming, manufacturing, mining, communications, labor, education, and cultural undertakings were in some fashion brought under new and significant government control, with the war effort coming before private profit.

Those who swear by free enterprise argue that this "socialism" was instituted only because of the exigencies of the war. That's true, but it misses a vital point. The point is that it had been immediately recognized by the government that the wasteful and inefficient capitalist system, always in need of the proper financial care and feeding, was no way to win a war.

I would add that it's also no way to run a society of human beings with human needs. Most Americans agree with this but are not consciously aware that they hold such a belief. For this reason I've written an essay entitled: "The United States invades, bombs, and kills for it, but do Americans really believe in free enterprise?" {1}


The Wonderful World of Anti-Communism

Anti-communism is alive and well in the Washington, DC area. There's going to be a new statue, very near the Capitol: The Victims of Communism Memorial, which "will honor an estimated 100 million people killed or tortured under communist rule", a monument established by an Act of Congress.

Also coming soon: A Cold War Museum in nearby Virginia, to be located on a former Nike Missile Base and affiliated with the Smithsonian Institution. The state of Virginia has allocated a $125,000 matching grant for the museum. Francis Gary Powers, Jr, son of the man whose U-2 spy plane was forced to crash land in the Soviet Union in 1960, is the motivating force behind the museum and the associated online magazine Cold War Times. The journal is hardly a corrective to the many anti-communist myths Americans were spoon fed, from their church sermons to their comic books, which have hardened into historical concrete.

It may be difficult for young people today to believe, but the lies fed to the American people and the world about the Cold War, the Soviet Union, and communism (or "communism") were much more routine and flagrant than the lies of the past few years concerning Iraq and terrorism, the most flagrant and basic lie being the existence of something called the International Communist Conspiracy, seeking to take over the world and subvert everything decent and holy. (In actuality, what there was was people all over the Third World fighting for economic and political changes that didn't coincide with the needs of the American power elite, and so the US moved to crush those governments and those movements, even though the Soviet Union or China was playing hardly any role at all in the great majority of those scenarios.)

I don't know how those behind the memorial arrived at their figure of 100 million victims. I would guess that they'd be hard pressed to explain it themselves. On their own website one finds this: "In less than 100 years, Communism has claimed more than 100 million lives". {2} So here they're saying it's more than 100 million even without including those tortured.

We've all heard the figures many times ... ten million ... twenty million ... forty million ... sixty million ... died under Stalin. But what does the number mean, whichever number you choose? Of course many people died under Stalin, many people died under Roosevelt, and many people are still dying under Bush. Dying appears to be a natural phenomenon in every country. The question is how did those people die under Stalin? Did they die from the famines that plagued the USSR in the 1920s and 30s? Did the Bolsheviks deliberately create those famines? How? Why? More people certainly died in India in the 20th century from famines than in the Soviet Union, but no one accuses India of the mass murder of its own citizens. Were millions actually murdered in cold blood in the Soviet Union? If so, how? The logistics of murdering tens of millions of people is daunting.

The ideological hijacking of history is never a pretty sight. Who, it must be asked, will build the Victims of Anti-Communism Memorial and Museum? To document and remember the abominable death, destruction, torture, and violation of human rights under the banner of fighting "communism", that we know under various names: Vietnam, Laos, Chile, Korea, Guatemala, El Salvador, Cambodia, Indonesia, Iran, Brazil, Greece, Argentina, Nicaragua, Haiti, Afghanistan, Iraq, and others.


Thought crimes

Ahmed Omar Abu Ali is a 24-year-old American citizen from Virginia who went to study at a university in Saudi Arabia. He was arrested by the Saudis, interrogated, and confessed to being part of an al Qaeda plot to assassinate George W Bush while the president was visiting the country. Abu Ali is now being held in the United States by federal authorities. His defense attorneys and his family have contended that any statements he made in Saudi custody
were obtained through torture and should thus not be allowed into evidence. Two doctors who examined Abu Ali found evidence that he was tortured in Saudi Arabia, including scars on his back consistent with having been whipped, defense lawyers have said in court papers. The prosecution has argued that he was not tortured, and the judge presiding over the trial, which began October 31, has agreed to allow Abu Ali's confession into evidence.

Abu Ali confessed to the Saudis about conspiring to carry out other terrorist acts as well, but I'd like to focus here on the alleged assassination plot. Law enforcement sources cited by the Washington Post have said the plot against Bush, "never advanced beyond the talking stage". {3} If that is indeed the case, and even assuming there was no torture involved, then I'd raise the question of whether a "crime", worthy of punishment - and Abu Ali faces up to life in prison on the assassination charge alone - was committed. Or does it fall in the category of a "thought crime" made famous of course in Orwell's 1984? Someone should perhaps tell the Justice Department that 1984 was meant to be a warning, not a how-to guide.

Who amongst us has not entertained fantasies of horrible and nasty things befalling our dear George W? I've imagined myself as the perpetrator of actions taking care of the entire Bushgang all at once, including Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Rice, Powell, Bolton and about a dozen other neo-con stars, all instantly falling victim to ... well, let's leave it at that on this FBI-patrolled Internet. But I've shared such pleasant thoughts with others in person. And they've shared theirs with me. And I'm sure that a million other Americans have had similar thoughts. Should we be indicted? How about His High Holiness Reverend Pat Robertson who publicly called for the assassination of Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez? He did it in all seriousness. Speaking to thousands of people. Without being tortured.


The elephant in Saddam Hussein's courtroom

The trial of Saddam Hussein has begun. He is charged with the deaths of more than 140 people who were executed after gunmen fired on his motorcade in the predominantly Shiite Muslim town of Dujail, north of Baghdad, in an attempt to assassinate him in 1982. This appears to be the only crime he's being tried for. Yet for a few years now we've been hearing about how Saddam used chemical weapons against "his own people" in the town of Halabja in March 1988. (Actually, the people were Kurds, who could be regarded as Saddam's "own people" only if the Seminoles were Andrew Jackson's own people). The Bush administration never tires of repeating that line to us. As recently as October 21, Karen Hughes, White House envoy for public diplomacy, told an audience in Indonesia that Saddam had "used weapons of mass destruction against his own people. He had murdered hundreds of thousands of his own people using poison gas." When challenged about the number, Hughes replied: "It's something that our US government has said a number of times in the past. It's information that was used very widely after his attack on the Kurds. I believe it was close to 300,000. That's something I said every day in the course of the campaign. That's information that we talked about a great deal in America." The State Department later corrected Hughes, saying the number of victims in Halabja was about 5,000. {4} (This figure, too, may well have been inflated for political reasons; for at least the next six months following the Halabja attack one could find the casualty count being reported in major media as "hundreds", even by Iraq's Iranian foes; then, somehow, it ballooned to "5,000".) {5}

Given the repeated administration emphasis of this event, you would think that it would be the charge used in the court against Saddam, would you not? Well, I can think of two reasons why the US would be reluctant to bring that matter to court. One, the evidence for the crime has always been somewhat questionable; for example, at one time an arm of the Pentagon issued a report suggesting that it was actually Iran which had used the poison gas in Halabja. {6} And two, the United States, in addition to providing Saddam abundant financial and intelligence support, supplied him with lots of materials to help Iraq achieve its chemical and biological weapons capability; it would be kind of awkward if Saddam's defense raised this issue in the court. But the United States has carefully orchestrated the trial to exclude any unwanted testimony, including the well-known fact that not longer after the 1982 carnage Saddam is being charged with, in December 1983, Donald Rumsfeld - perfectly well-informed about the Iraqi regime's methods and the use of chemical weapons against Iranian troops - arrived in Baghdad, sent by Ronald Reagan with the objective of strengthening the relationship between the two countries. {7}


Shameless self-promotion

Before beginning her recent government position, the cartoonly-awful Karen Hughes reportedly was getting $50,000 (sic, sick) per speaking engagement. I ask for much less, much much less, but I'm getting too few offers. So if any reader has a contact with a university or other organization that is budgeted to pay honoraria to speakers, I'd like to ask you to inquire about a possible engagement for me. Muchas gracias.

I'd also like to announce that a greatly updated edition of my book Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower has just been published. It first came out in 2000.

Lastly, some readers have informed me that in the last report quotation marks and apostrophes were replaced by garbage. I'm trying to find a solution to this problem and I'd appreciate being informed by anyone who finds this happening with this report; even better, let me know if you know the cause and/or cure of this.

Notes

{1} http://members.aol.com/superogue/system.htm

{2} http://www.victimsofcommunism.org/history_communism.php

{3} Washington Post (September 9 2005) p 4

{4} Washington Post (October 22 2005) p 15

{5} New York Times (April 10 1988) sec 4, p 3, re Iran; Washington Post (August 4 and September 4 1988)

{6} New York Times (January 31 2003) p 29

{7} Barry Lando, "Saddam Hussein, a Biased Trial", Le Monde (October 17 2005)


William Blum is the author of:

Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War 2 (Common Courage Press, 1995)

Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower (Zed Books, 2002)

West-Bloc Dissident: A Cold War Memoir (Soft Skull Press, 2002)

Freeing the World to Death: Essays on the American Empire (Common Courage Press, 2004)


Previous Anti-Empire Reports can be read at this website.

To add yourself to this mailing list simply send an email to bblum6@aol.com with "add" in the subject line. I'd like your name and city in the message, but that's optional. I ask for your city only in case I'll be speaking in your area. Or put "remove" in the subject line to do the opposite. Any part of this report may be disseminated without permission. I'd appreciate it if the website were mentioned.

http://www.killinghope.org/


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Sunday, November 13, 2005

The Clusterfuck Nation Chronicle

Commentary on the Flux of Events

by Jim Kunstler



(November 7 2005)

The American public's failure to pay attention reached supernatural levels this week as our mass media gloated over falling gasoline prices - down 24 cents, average, to pre-hurricane levels. The news media took this to mean that all the end-of-the-summer trouble is over with and things can now get back to normal, including especially an economy based on trade in suburban houses.

What they failed to notice is this: since the hurricanes shredded our Gulf of Mexico oil and gas capacity, Europe has been sending us two million barrels of crude oil and "refined product" a day from its collective strategic petroleum reserve. The "refined product" includes 800,000 barrels of gasoline, plus diesel, aviation, and heating fuel. Meanwhile, US domestic production has fallen to around four million barrels of conventional crude a day. America uses close to 22 million barrels of oil a day. Bottom line: post-hurricane, total imports have accounted for eighty percent of America's oil consumption.

Now, the important part of all this is that last week the International Energy Agency (IEA), Europe's energy security watchdog, declared that it would now end the two million barrel a day shipments to the US. Not because they are hateful meanies, but because, after all, it is Europe's strategic reserve and they can't sell it all to us because, well, some strategic emergency might come up for them, too.

It will take a few weeks for the last of Europe's tankers to offload supplies and for the various fuels to work their way through the US fuels retail system. With US production and refining still crippled, we can look forward to watching the price of gasoline, heating oil, diesel and aviation fuel kick back up through Thanksgiving and on into the heart of the Christmas shopping season. At the same time, homeowners will be getting their first substantial heating bills of the season.

This will be very bad news to the guys in charge. The Hooverization of George W Bush will resume and accelerate.

Meanwhile, the new uprising of Islamic youth in France shows no sign of letting up and, in fact, is growing in both intensity and venues. If it continues along the same upward arc, the authorities may soon start making martyrs out of the young car-bombers. The action could spread to Holland, England, and elsewhere across Europe. The potential for wider scale insurrection and systematic terror operations such as bombings is obviously huge. Anybody can get instruction in bomb-making off the Internet now. People and materials move easily over a united Europe with fewer border controls than in the old days.

Europe knows it can ill-afford antagonizing the Jihadi factions beyond its borders. With the North Sea oil fields depleting at rates as high as twenty percent a year, Europeans have little local production to fall back on if, say, regular tanker shipments of Middle Eastern oil through the Suez canal were to be interrupted for some reason. England's methane gas production is at especially alarming low levels.

Europe - France and Germany in particular - have enjoyed the luxury of laying back since 9/11 and allowing the US to rumble with the Islamic world, while the Europeans enjoyed a comfortable sense of moral superiority about their supposed peaceableness. Those pretenses seem to be reaching an end. So now that Europe has gallantly spent down its strategic petroleum reserve for our sake, it will be interesting to see how soon they may need it themselves.

I wouldn't venture to guess whether the young rioters of France are getting help and encouragement from somewhere outside, but there certainly are enough Jihadi professionals and cheerleaders on the sidelines to support this new frontal action in Old Europe. It is going to be an interesting holiday season all around the western world.


(October 31 2005)

The cry across the land grows increasingly shrill: "THEY LIED TO US!"

For going on three years, the American public, especially on the political left, has been complaining that the Iraq War was some kind of a shuck-and-jive. The Bush government pulled the wool over everybody's eyes. They ran a vicious propaganda operation. We were fooled by all those fairy tales about WMDs, Saddam and Osama, and African radioactive yellowcake.

Now, through the fog of the Valerie Plame affair and the indictment of Scooter Libby, the cry is reaching a crescendo: "THEY LIED TO US!"

Being a Democrat myself, and therefore nominally in opposition to Bush-and-Cheneyism, one has to contend with all sorts of embarrassing nonsense emanating from one's own side. In Sunday's New York Times op-ed section, for instance, Nicholas Kristoff wrote: "Mr Cheney, we need a stiff dose of truth". I'm sorry to tell you this Nick (and the rest of my homies), but what Jack Nicholson's character said in that court martial movie some years back still applies: you can't stand the truth.

If the American public could stand the truth, we would stop calling it the Iraq War and rename it the War to Save Suburbia. Of all the things that Bush and Cheney have said over the last six years, the one thing the Democratic opposition has not challenged is the statement that "the American way of life is not negotiable". They're just as invested in it as everybody else. The Democrats complain about the dark efforts by Bush and Cheney to cook up a rationale for the war. Guess what? The Democrats desperately need something to oppose besides the truth. If they would shut up about WMDs for five minutes and just take a good look around, they'd know exactly why this war started.

When the American people, Democrat and Republican both, decided to build a drive-in utopia based on incessant easy motoring and massive oil dependency, who lied to them? When tens of millions of Americans bought McHouses thirty-four miles away from their jobs in Boston, Atlanta, Minneapolis, and Dallas, who lied to them? When American public officials adopted the madness of single-use zoning and turned the terrain of this land into a tragic crapscape of strip malls on six-lane highways, who lied to them? When American school officials decided to consolidate all the kids in gigantic centralized facilities serviced by fleets of yellow buses that ran an average of 150,000 miles per year per school, who lied to them? When Americans trashed their public transit and railroad system, who lied to them? When Americans let WalMart gut Main Street, who lied to them? When Bill and Hillary Clinton bought a suburban villa in farthest reaches of northern Westchester County, New York, who lied to them?

You want truth, Progressive America? Here's the truth: the War to Save Suburbia entailed an unavoidable strategic military enterprise. Saving Suburbia required that the Middle East be pacified or at least stabilized, because two-thirds of the world's remaining oil is there (and in case you haven't figured this out by now, Suburbia runs on oil, and the oil has to be cheap or we couldn't afford to run it). The three main oil-producing countries in the Middle East, going from west-to-east are Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Iran. We had serious relationship problems with all of them at various times, and they with each other, leading at frequent intervals to a lot of instability in that region, and consequently trouble for us trying to run Suburbia on cheap oil (which they sold us in large quantities).

After nineteen religious maniacs from the Middle East, mostly Arabs (though unaffiliated officially with any state in their actions) flew planes into our skyscrapers and a big government building, we had to kick someone's ass. We decided to start by kicking the ass of Afghanistan, where one particular mischievous maniac, Mr bin Laden, had set up operations connected with 9/11. It wasn't enough. We never could find Mr bin Laden, Afghanistan wasn't really in the Middle East, and whatever else they were, the Afghans weren't Arabs. We had to find somebody else's ass to kick to reinforce the idea that religious maniacs unaffiliated with any particular state could not pull off lethal stunts like 9/11 without bringing substantial pain down on their own home places. To put it plainly, we had to kick some Arab ass. We picked Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Not because he had anything to do with 9/11 - which we couldn't pin on any Muslim nation - but because Saddam's Baathist regime was Arab, and the same general religious brand as the guys who did 9/11, Sunni Muslim, and because Saddam had already proven to be a freelance mischievous maniac quite in his own right over the years, worth getting rid of, and most of all (from a strategic point-of-view) because Iraq was the perfect place geographically to open a US police station in the Middle East. It was right between those two other troublemakers, Saudi Arabia and Iran, and setting up an American military presence between them, it was hoped, would moderate and influence their behavior, and discourage them from doing anything to interfere with the indispensable supplies of oil that we desperately required to run our beloved, non-negotiable Suburbia. It was even hoped, by a band of extreme idealists in the US Government, that in the process of setting up a military presence in Iraq, we could convert this troubled, fractious nation into a peaceful, cohesive, beneficent democracy, establishing a shining example, blah, blah ... But such is the nature of idealism.

I apologize for taking two long paragraphs to tell you the true origins of the War to Save Suburbia, but it was, after all, only two paragraphs, and the truth is sometimes not so simple. The American people have gotten exactly the war that they bargained for. The outstanding obvious question is not by what wicked and recondite means the War to Save Suburbia got started, but how come once started, we did such a poor job of resolving it, specifically why, after nearly three years, our vaunted technological mastery couldn't get the electricity running more than a few hours a day in Baghdad, why we let squads of redneck moron enlisted personnel beat up on prisoners and videotape their own antics, and why we can't even get the oil equipment in good enough shape so the Iraqis can sell us the oil we still need to run our non-negotiable way of life?

So, as a card-carrying Democrat and as a Progressive who would like to see his country successfully adapt to the changing realities of the world, I propose we stop making ourselves ridiculous by whining about being lied to, because we've only been lying to ourselves. We walked into the War to Save Suburbia with, as the old saying goes, our eyes wide shut.


(October 24 2005)

Readers of my stuff and audience members at my college blabs have been complaining lately that I wrote The Long Emergency as a wish-fulfillment fantasy because I hate suburbia. So perhaps it's a good time for me to clarify my thoughts on suburbia.

First, we need to recognize its origins. Even the Romans had suburbs, and the wish to inhabit the borderlands (to borrow John Stilgoe's term) of the largest cities is not a new thing. But in America the pattern evolved to an extent never before imagined. America's cities emerged hand-in-hand with industrialism, and by the mid-1800s the industrial city was regarded as undesirable. As soon as the convulsion of the Civil War was over, railroad suburbs were created for the very well-off, and systems for designing them were innovated by the likes of Calvert Vaux and Frederick Law Olmsted, creators of New York's Central Park. There were very few of these special places, and they formed the basis of what would be known as the American Dream.

The idea behind these suburbs was simple and straightforward: country life as the antidote to the horror of the industrial city, with its moiling slums, its noise, congestion, bad air, disease, and obnoxious industrial operations. One could access the city by day for business and be back in a rural villa for dinner thanks to the railroad.

The suburb of the streetcar era was an elaboration of this pattern for a growing upper-middle class (and the streetcar era was relatively brief). It allowed a finer grain of suburban development because the stops could be much closer together.

The Model T Ford was introduced in 1907 and built on assembly lines in 1913, which made them cheap and affordable. When the disruption of the First World War was over in 1918, the automobile permitted an extenstion of the suburbs far beyond (and between) the streetcar lines. The great boom of the 1920s was largely a result of all this activity. This project was interrupted by the Great Depression and the Second World War, and then furiously resumed when the war was over. Up until the 1970s, suburbia was a kind of accessory to America's manufacturing economy. But as industrial production moved overseas, the creation of suburbia itself insidiously replaced it as the engine of the US economy.

This brings us to where we are today, with an economy driven by a land development pattern and a system for delivering it that is hugely destructive of terrain and civic life. Since it depends utterly on reliable supplies of cheap oil, we can assert that it has dubious prospects as both an economic enterprise and as a living arrangement. The obdurate refusal to recognize its limitations begins to have tragic overtones for our society.

Having directed so much of our post-war wealth to constructing the infrastructures of suburban everyday life, we are now trapped in a psychology of previous investment that makes it impossible for us to imagine letting go of it. This is expressed in Dick Cheney's tragic phrase that the American way of life is non-negotiable. Now, circumstances will negotiate it for us.

It is true that I hate what the suburbs have done to my country. But the assault on our landscape and the withering of our civic life was an obvious evil before the specter of peak oil signaled an absolute end of suburbia. What I certainly despise as much as suburbia itself is the stupid defense of it by people who ought to know better, such as columnists for the New York Times. I also believe that this stupid defense will continue and spread and become a tremendous, tragic exercise in futility for a people who could be putting their minds to a much better purpose in finding other means to carry on the larger project of civilization.


(October 17 2005)

When the Museum of Bad Ideas is built by Steve Wynn in Las Vegas (designed by Frank Gehry), surely one of its remote galleries will contain this week's cover story in the New York Times Sunday Magazine about the suburban homebuilding racket titled "Chasing Ground". The story focuses on one of the nation's leading large production builders, the Toll Brothers, based in Philadelphia, and "ground" is their own cute phrase for the parcels of meadow and cornfield that they magically convert into suburban housing subdivisions all over the nation.

The Times brings its usual magisterial lack of critical thinking to the subject. Among the conclusions: that the suburban sprawl housing bubble will continue indefinitely into the future, and that the price of houses will continue to rise, probably forever, too.

"Indeed, Toll seemed certain that firms like his - with an expertise at finding and developing land - would become increasingly successful. The company expects to grow by twenty percent for the next two years and fifteen percent annually after that."

Philosophically, the story is grounded in Times columnist David Brooks's concept that suburbia is a good thing because people seem to like it. But it's the Times's ignorance of practical matters that's really breathtaking. The nation's oil predicament is barely mentioned (and obviously only as an editorial afterthought, since the story was no doubt filed before Katrina and Rita shredded production in the Gulf of Mexico). Anyway, the issue is cavalierly dismissed. Missing altogether is America's even more dire predicament over natural gas, which is used to heat half the houses in America and 99 percent of the brand new ones. Since the story focuses on large luxury houses over 3500 square feet, featuring cathedral ceilings and yawning lawyer foyers, you'd think the question of heating these behemoths might arise, but no. The price of natural gas has quadrupled since 2002 and is still going up.

But it's the story's willingness to embrace uncritically the Toll Brothers' credo of reckless and destructive greed that is most amazing

"What happens when New Jersey reaches build-out? 'We've been trying to build it out, but we can't get our hands on it', [Toll] said. 'We could sell every square foot that we could build on. I mean, anything within fifteen minutes of Interstate 78 could be built and sold. Allentown, Bethlehem, Easton, all the way to New York City. And it's all sitting there.'"

The assumption, clearly, is that America will be a happily car-crazed society forever and that nothing might interfere with that. The interstates will keep humming along. The consumer sector will keep generating high-paying management jobs. The "boomburbs" of Arizona and Nevada, in particular, will continue to expand and thrive.

Here's the real dope on the situation. The big corporate production home builders, including the Toll Brothers, are selling their own stock like mad lately because they realize that the game is over, that they are in a twilight industry. (The Times left this out.) Home heating costs are going to crush the public this winter, and even the supposedly well-off in big new houses are going to feel the pain, because the truth is that many of them are leveraged up to their eyeballs to be where they are, and supernatural utility bills will push them over the edge just when the national bankruptcy laws have been revised to make wiggling out of debt much more difficult and punative. The price of gasoline will keep ratcheting upward from where it is now like a medieval torture device, and will combine with home heating costs to make the public's collective head pop like a winter melon.

Meanwhile, the mortgage industry, a mutant monster organism of lapsed lending standards and arrant grift on the grand scale, is going to implode like a death star under the weight of these non-performing loans and drag every tradable instrument known to man into the quantum vacuum of finance that it creates.

And is there anything to be said on behalf of the mutilated American rural landscape itself? Such as: might we actually need it to feed ourselves when the great Cheez Doodle sector of the economy craps out from a shortage of cheap fossil fuel "inputs?"

It's sad to see a once-great newspaper go through the motions of pretending to be intelligent.

.....

I recommend this excellent essay by my excellent correspondent Dmitry Podborits: "On Dangers of Being an Insect with Wings and a Mysterious Instance of Mass Mailing", http://www.livejournal.com/users/dpodbori/1369.html


http://www.kunstler.com/mags_diary15.html


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Saturday, November 12, 2005

America's new enemy

Latin Americans have spent the past few years finding their voices. Now they may have the strength to defy their northern neighbour.

by John Pilger

New Statesman Cover Story (November 14 2005)


I was dropped at Paradiso, the last middle-class area before La Vega barrio, which spills into a ravine as if by the force of gravity. Storms were forecast and people were anxious, remembering the mudslides of 1999 that took 20,000 lives. "Why are you here?" asked the man sitting opposite me in the packed jeep-bus that chugged up the hill. Like so many in Latin America, he appeared old, but wasn't. Without waiting for my answer, he listed why he supported President Hugo Chavez: schools, clinics, affordable food, "our constitution, our democracy" and "for the first time, the oil money is going to us". I asked him if he belonged to the MVR (Movement for the Fifth Republic), Chavez's party, "No, I've never been in a political party; I can only tell you how my life has been changed, as I never dreamt".

It is raw witness like this, which I have heard over and over again in Venezuela, that smashes the one-way mirror between the west and a continent that is rising. By rising, I mean the phenomenon of millions of people stirring once again, "like lions after slumber/In unvanquishable number", wrote Shelley in The Mask of Anarchy. This is not romantic; an epic is unfolding in Latin America that demands our attention beyond the stereotypes and cliches that diminish whole societies to their degree of exploitation and expendability.

To the man in the bus, and to Beatrice whose children are being immunised and taught history, art and music for the first time, and Celedonia, in her seventies, reading and writing for the first time, and Jose whose life was saved by a doctor in the middle of the night, the first doctor he had ever seen, Chavez is neither a "firebrand" nor an "autocrat" but a humanitarian and a democrat who commands almost two-thirds of the popular vote, accredited by victories in no fewer than nine elections. Compare that with the fifth of the British electorate that reinstalled an authentic autocrat in Downing Street.

Chavez and the rise of popular social movements, from Colombia down to Argentina, represent bloodless, radical change across the continent, inspired by the great independence struggles that began with Simon BolIvar, born in 1783 in Venezuela, who brought the ideas of the French Revolution to societies cowed by Spanish absolutism. BolIvar, like Che Guevara in the 1960s and Chavez today, understood the new colonial master to the north. "The USA", he said in 1819, "appears destined by fate to plague America with misery in the name of liberty".

At the Summit of the Americas in Quebec City in 2001, George Bush announced the latest misery in the name of liberty in the form of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) treaty. This would finally allow the United States to impose its ideological "market", neoliberalism, on all of Latin America. It was the natural successor to Bill Clinton's North American Free Trade Agreement, which has turned Mexico into a US sweatshop. Bush boasted it would be law by 2005.

On 5 November, Bush arrived at the 2005 summit in Mar del Plata, Argentina, to be told his FTAA was not even on the agenda. Among the 34 heads of state were new, uncompliant faces and behind all of them were populations no longer willing to accept US-backed business tyrannies. Never before have Latin American governments had to consult their people on pseudo agreements of this kind; but now they must.

In Bolivia, in the past five years, social movements have got rid of governments and foreign corporations alike, such as the tentacular Bechtel, which sought to impose what people call total locura capitalista - total capitalist folly - the privatising of almost everything, especially natural gas and water. Following Pinochet's Chile, Bolivia was to be a neoliberal laboratory. The poorest of the poor were charged up to two-thirds of their pittance-income even for rainwater.

Standing in the bleak, freezing, cobble-stoned streets of El Alto, 14,000 feet up in the Andes, or sitting in the breeze-block homes of former miners and campesinos driven off their land, I have had political discussions of a kind seldom ignited in Britain and the US. They are direct and eloquent. "Why are we so poor", they say, "when our country is so rich? Why do governments lie to us and represent outside powers?" They refer to 500 years of conquest as if it is a living presence, which it is, tracing a journey from the Spanish plunder of Cerro Rico, a hill of silver mined by indigenous slave labour and which underwrote the Spanish empire for three centuries. When the silver was gone, there was tin, and when the mines were privatised in the 1970s at the behest of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), tin collapsed, along with 30,000 jobs. When the coca leaf replaced it - chewing it curbs hunger - the Bolivian army, coerced by the US, began destroying the coca crops and filling the prisons.


In 2000, open rebellion burst upon the white business oligarchs and the US embassy whose fortress stands like an Andean Vatican in the centre of La Paz. There was never anything like it, because it came from the majority Indian population "to protect our indigenous soul". Naked racism against indigenous peoples all over Latin America is the Spanish legacy. They were despised or invisible, or curios for tourists: the women in their bowler hats and colourful skirts. No more. Led by visionaries such as Oscar Olivera, the women in bowler hats and colourful skirts encircled and shut down the country's second city, Cochabamba, until their water was returned to public ownership.

Every year since, people have fought a water or gas war: essentially a war against privatisation and poverty. Having driven out President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada in 2003, Bolivians voted in a referendum for real democracy. Through the social movements, they demanded a constituent assembly similar to that which founded Chavez's BolIvarian revolution in Venezuela, together with the rejection of the FTAA and all the other "free trade" agreements, the expulsion of the transnational water companies and a fifty per cent tax on the exploitation of all energy resources.

When the replacement president, Carlos Mesa, refused to implement the programme he was forced to resign. Presidential elections are scheduled for 4 December and the opposition MAS (Movement to Socialism) may well turn out the old order. The leader is an indigenous former coca farmer, Evo Morales, whom the US ambassador has likened to Osama Bin Laden. In fact, he is a social democrat who, for many of those who sealed off Cochabamba and marched down the mountain from El Alto, moderates too much.

"This is not going to be easy", Abel Mamani, the indigenous president of the El Alto Federation of Neighbourhood Associations, told me. "The elections won't be a solution even if we win. What we need to guarantee is the constituent assembly, from which we build a democracy based not on what the US wants, but on social justice." The writer Pablo Solon, son of the great political muralist Walter Solon, said: "The story of Bolivia is the story of the government behind the government. The US can create a financial crisis; but really for them it is ideological; they say they will not accept another Chavez."

The people, however, will not accept another Washington quisling. The lesson is Ecuador, where a helicopter saved Lucio Gutierrez as he fled the presidential palace in April. Having won power in alliance with the indigenous Pachakutik movement, he was the "Ecuadorian Chavez", until he drowned in a corruption scandal. For ordinary Latin Americans, corruption on high is no longer forgivable. That is one of two reasons the Workers' Party government of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva is barely marking time in Brazil; the other is the priority he has given to an IMF economic agenda, rather than to his own people. In Argentina, social movements saw off five pro-Washington presidents in 2001 and 2002. Across the water in Uruguay, the Frente Amplio, socialist heirs to the Tupamaros, the guerrillas of the 1970s who fought one of the CIA's most vicious terror campaigns, formed a popular government last year.

The social movements are now a decisive force in every Latin American country - even in the state of fear that is the Colombia of Alvaro Uribe Velez, Bush's most loyal vassal. Last month, an indigenous movement marched through every one of Colombia's 32 provinces demanding an end to "an evil as great as the gun": neoliberalism. All over Latin America, Hugo Chavez is the modern BolIvar. People admire his political imagination and his courage. Only he has had the guts to describe the United States as a source of terrorism and Bush as Senor Peligro (Mr Danger). He is very different from Fidel Castro, whom he respects. Venezuela is an extraordinarily open society with an unfettered opposition that is rich and still powerful. On the left, there are those who oppose the state in principle, believe its reforms have reached their limit, and want power to flow directly from the community. They say so vigorously, yet they support Chavez. A fluent young anarchist, Marcel, showed me the clinic where Cuban doctors gave his girlfriend critical emergency treatment. (In a barter arrangement, Venezuela gives Cuba oil in exchange for doctors.)

At the entrance to every barrio there is a state supermarket, where everything from staple food to washing-up liquid costs forty per cent less than in commercial stores. Despite specious accusations that the government has instituted censorship, most of the media remains violently anti-Chavez: a large part of it in the hands of Gustavo Cisneros, Latin America's Rupert Murdoch, who backed the failed attempt to depose Chavez in April 2002. What is different is the proliferation of lively community radio stations which played a crucial part in Chavez's rescue then by calling on people to march on Caracas.

While the world looks to Iran and Syria for the next Bush attack, Venezuelans know they may well be next. On 17 March, the Washington Post reported that Feliz RodrIguez, "a former CIA operative well connected to the Bush family", had taken part in the planning of the assassination of the president of Venezuela. On 16 September, Chavez said, "I have evidence that there are plans to invade Venezuela. Furthermore, we have documentation: how many bombers will over-fly Venezuela on the day of the invasion ... the US is carrying out manoeuvres on Curacao Island. It is called Operation Balboa." Since then, leaked internal Pentagon documents have identified Venezuela as a "post-Iraq threat" requiring "full spectrum" planning.

The old-young man in the jeep, Beatrice and her healthy children, and Celedonia with her "new esteem", are indeed a threat - the threat of an alternative, decent world that some lament is no longer possible. Well, it is, and it deserves our support.

Copyright New Statesman 1913 - 2005

http://www.newstatesman.com/200511140005.

http://www.newstatesman.co.uk/nscoverstory.htm

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Friday, November 11, 2005

Slum clearance

by Lewis H Lapham

Harper's Magazine (November 2005)


The comfort of the rich rests upon an abundance of the poor. (Voltaire)


On Monday, August 29, a category 4 hurricane slammed into New Orleans with winds reaching 140 miles an hour, and by Thursday, September 1, the city looked just about the way a doomed city is supposed to look according to the Book of Revelation. Which, given the faith-based political theory currently in office in Washington, should have surprised nobody. For the last thirty years the scribes and Pharisees allied with the several congregations of both the radical and the reactionary right have been preaching the lesson that government is a sink of iniquity - by definition inefficient, unjust, wasteful, and corrupt, a mess of lies deserving neither the trust nor the affection of true Americans. True Americans place their faith in individual initiative, moral virtue, and personal responsibility, knowing in their hearts that government is the enemy of the people, likely to do more harm than good.

So it proved in New Orleans during the first week of September. At every level of officialdom - city, parish, state, and federal - the tribunes of the people met the standard of bureaucratic futility and criminal negligence imputed to them by two generations of Republican publicists, and within the few days before, during, and after the hurricane's arrival, they managed to facilitate the loss of life, liberty, and property for several hundred thousand of their fellow citizens. The devastation fell somewhat short of the biblical prophecy - no blood in the sea, the floodwaters unsmitten with the bloom of Wormwood, no angels overhead armed with the trumpets of Woe; even so, despite the absence of giant locusts wearing breastplates of iron, about as satisfactory a result as could be hoped for from a government public-works program - the storm warnings ignored or discredited, the levees in a reliably shoddy state of repair, one million people left homeless in the mostly uninsured wreckage scattered across 90,000 square miles in four states, dead animals drifting in the New Orleans sewage and rotting on the beaches of Biloxi, the sick and elderly dying of thirst in the stench and heat of the Superdome, poisonous snakes making the rounds of hospital emergency rooms, rats gnawing at the corpses of the drowned.

Even more impressive than the scale of the calamity was the laissez-faire response of the government officials who understood that it was not their place to question, much less attempt to interfere with, an act of God. When confronted with scenes of anguish that might have tempted overly emotional public servants to ill-considered activisms, the Department of Homeland Security held fast to the policy of principled restraint. Spendthrift liberals rush to help people who refuse to help themselves; prudent conservatives know that such efforts smack of socialism. The residents of New Orleans had been told to evacuate the city before the hurricane came ashore, and if they didn't do so, well, whose fault was that? Government cannot be held responsible for the behavior of people who don't follow instructions, aren't mature enough to carry an American Express card or drive an SUV.

Every now and then, of course, government must show concern for the country's less fortunate citizens - the gesture is deemed polite in societies nominally democratic - and two days after the flooding submerged most of New Orleans under as much as fifteen feet of foul and stagnant water, President George W Bush graciously cut short his Texas vacation to gaze upon the ruined city from the height of 2,500 feet. Air Force One remained overhead for thirty-five whole minutes, which was long enough to impress upon the President the comparison to a big-budget Hollywood disaster movie. To the White House aides-de-camp aboard the plane he was reported to have said, "It's devastating, it's got to be doubly devastating on the ground". A sensitive observation, indicating that he had noticed something seriously amiss - small houses floating in the water, big boats moored in trees. A president crippled by too active an imagination might have made the mistake of wanting to see for himself the devastation on the ground, possibly even going so far as to say a few words to the evacuees in the Superdome. But the newscasts were loud with rumors of armed gangs of unattractive black people looting convenience stores and raping infant girls, and if one or more of the mobs happened to incite a riot, the liberal news media would publish unpleasant photographs and draw unpatriotic conclusions. Better to wait until the army had set up a secure perimeter.

By Friday, September 2, four days after the hurricane made landfall, enough military units were in place to allow the President to upgrade the demonstration of his concern with the staging of resolute drop-bys in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama. But if it was clear from his manner that he wished to convey sympathy and offer encouragement, it was also clear that he was at a loss to relate the words in the air to the "doubly devastating" death and destruction on the ground. Standing tall in shirtsleeves in front of the cameras in Mobile, he acknowledged the misfortune that had befallen his good friend Senator Trent Lott (R, Mississippi): "The good news is, and it's hard for some to see it now - that out of this chaos is going to come a fantastic Gulf Coast, like it was before. Out of the rubbles of Trent Lott's house - he's lost his entire house - there's going to be a fantastic house, and I'm looking forward to sitting on the porch." Later that same day, departing from the airport in New Orleans, the President hit the note of solemnly conservative compassion appropriate to an HBO production of the decline and fall of Rome: "You know, I'm going to fly out of here in a minute, but I want you to know that I'm not going to forget what I've seen".

Most of the other government spokespersons within range of a microphone during the first week in September might as well have been relaying their remarks by satellite from a map room in Bermuda. By Thursday, September 1, reports from the scene at the New Orleans Convention Center had been repeatedly broadcast on every network in the country - several thousand people without food or water, all of them desperate, quite a few of them dying. The news hadn't reached Michael Chertoff, director of the Department of Homeland Security in Washington, who had waited a judicious thirty-six hours after the storm's arrival before declaring it "an incident of national significance". To an interviewer from National Public Radio, Chertoff said, "I've not heard a report of thousands of people in the Convention Center who don't have food and water". The people in question presumably hadn't filled out the necessary forms. Nor had they informed Michael Brown, director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, who also hadn't heard of any trouble at the Convention Center and who told Wolf Blitzer on September 1, "Considering the dire circumstances that we have in New Orleans, virtually a city that has been destroyed, things are going relatively well". Which was the preferred tone of voice throughout the rest ofthe week on the part of the Washington gentry doing their best to take an interest in people they neither knew nor wished to know.

Former First Lady Barbara Bush on September 5, reviewing the condition of the hurricane flood evacuees in the Houston Astrodome: "What I'm hearing, which is sort of scary, is that they all want to stay in Texas. Everybody is so overwhelmed by the hospitality. And so many of the people in the arena here, you know, were underprivileged anyway, so this (chuckle) is working very well for them."

GOP strategist Jack Burkman, September 7: "I understand there are 10,000 people dead. It's terrible. It's tragic. But in a democracy of 300 million people, over years and years and years, these things happen." September 8, First Lady Laura Bush: "I also want to encourage anybody who was affected by hurricane Corrina [sic] to make sure their children are in school".

House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, September 9, bucking up the spirits of three young hurricane evacuees from New Orleans at the Astrodome: "Now tell me the truth, boys, is this kind of fun?"

Earlier in the week Mrs Bush might have been pardoned for mistaking the name of the hurricane - hurricanes come and go in the same way that summer disaster movies come and go, and only a bleeding heart leftist would expect the theatergoers in a Washington screening room to remember which is which but by September 8 the news reports from New Orleans and points east were indicating an even more feckless government response than previously had been supposed - the USS Bataan, fully supplied with medical facilities, held at a safe distance offshore for reasons unexplained, National Guard units delayed in the confusions of bureaucratic move and countermove, the dysfunction of FEMA understood as the result of the nepotistic hiring of its senior management, trucks bringing ice and water rerouted to South Carolina, evacuees herded onto planes without being told where the planes were bound, the order to evacuate New Orleans made impractical by the simultaneous disappearance of the city's public transportation systems.

As it became increasingly evident that the storm had inflicted its heaviest damage on people who were poor, illiterate, and predominantly black, what emerged from the Mississippi mud was the ugly recognition of the United States as a society divided against itself across the frontiers of race and class. Not "one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all" but two nations, divisible by bank account, with liberty and justice for those able to pay the going rate for a government pimp.

The unwelcome sight evoked angry shouts of Woe from all the trumpets of the news media - outraged editorials, harsh questions from television anchorpersons ordinarily as mild as milk, a rising tide of bitter reproach from politicians both Democratic and Republican. The abrupt decline in the President's approval ratings prompted his press agents to send him on a frenzied round of image refurbishment - Mr Bush holding a press conference to accept responsibility for the federal government's storm-related failures, Mr Bush at the National Cathedral in Washington, declaring a "National Day of Prayer and Remembrance", Mr Bush back again on the Gulf Coast, posed in front of the stage-lit St Louis Cathedral in New Orleans, promising to do and spend "what it takes" ($100 billion, maybe $200 billion) to restore "the passionate soul" of the dead city.

If the performances weren't as uplifting as the President might have hoped, the fault possibly was to be found in his inability to hide the fact of his genuine and irritated surprise. What was everybody complaining about, for God's sake? Who didn't know that America was divided into a nation of the rich and a nation of the poor? What else had every self-respecting Republican politician been doing for the last thirty years if not bending his or her best efforts to achieve that very purpose? Didn't anybody remember the words of the immortal Ronald Reagan's first inaugural address: "Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem"? Had everybody forgotten the noble question asked and answered in 1987 by Margaret Thatcher, that great and good British prime minister: "Who is society? There is no such thing! There are individual men and women; there are families". Some families make it to higher ground; others don't. Such is the way of the world and the natural order of things, visible every day in the pictures from Africa on CNN. Why else was the Republican Party so popular - elected to the White House, put in charge of the Congress and the Supreme Court - if not to give to the haves and take from the have-nots? It wasn't as if anybody, least of all President Bush, had made any secret of the project. All the major legislation passed by Congress over the last five years - the transportation bill, the Medicare prescription bill, the tax bills favoring corporations and wealthy individuals, the bankruptcy bill, et cetera - strengthens the power of money to limit and control the freedom of individuals. During the early weeks of September, when countless thousands of people on the Gulf Coast were sorely in need of rescue, Senator Bill Frist (R, Tennessee), the Republican majority leader in the Senate, never once lost sight of the more urgent rescue mission, which was to press forward the legislation intended to privatize Social Security and eliminate the estate tax. Senator Frist is a doctor but first and foremost a loyal Republican and a man who knows how to order his priorities - before the hand on the heart, the thumb on the coin.

As surprised as the President by the grumbling noises in the suddenly and uncharacteristically conscience-stricken media, a heavenly host of Republican preachers and politicians was quick to shift the story into the True American context of individual initiative, moral virtue, and personal responsibility. Thus Senator Rick Santorum (R, Pennsylvania): "I mean, you have people who don't heed those warnings and then put people at risk as a result of not heeding those warnings. There may be a need to look at tougher penalties on those who decide to ride it out and understand that there are consequences to not leaving."

Consequences also for not leading one's life in accordance with the instructions given in the Bible, the point made in the seconding of Senator Santorum's motion by numerous spokesmen for Christ. Thus the pastor of the New Covenant Fellowship of New Orleans: "New Orleans now is free of Southern Decadence, the sodomites, the witchcraft workers, false religion - it's free of all these things now". Or again, more subtly, by the Columbia Christians for Life. The organization correlates storm tracks with cities harboring abortion clinics and supplemented its press release referring to the five such establishments in New Orleans with a satellite photograph that "looks like a fetus facing to the left (west) in the womb, in the early weeks of gestation".

Not a natural disaster, the hurricane, but a blessing in disguise, so seen and much appreciated by the forward-thinking parties of enlightened Republicanism. To the readers of the Wall Street Journal on September 9, Congressman Richard Baker (R, Louisiana), brought the good news of a divinely inspired slum-clearance project. "We finally cleaned up public housing in New Orleans", he said. "We couldn't do it, but God did".

As is well known and understood in the elevated circles of Republican political thought, God helps those who help themselves, and on September 13 Time magazine quoted an unnamed White House source confirming the miracle of the loaves and fishes soon to be visited upon the well-connected servants of the Lord in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama. "Nothing can salve the wounds like money ... you'll see a much more aggressively engaged President, traveling to the Gulf Coast a lot and sending a lot of people down there".

By the time it comes to writing next month's Notebook, I expect that we'll have had the chance to count the ways in which the master chefs of our indolent but nevertheless ravenous government can carve the body of Christ into the sweetmeats of swindle and the drumsticks of fraud.

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Thursday, November 10, 2005

What We've Lost

George W Bush and the price of torture

by William Pfaff

Harper's Magazine (November 2005)



The most important reason for the tension that exists between the United States and most of the rest of the democratic world is that American claims about the threat of terrorism seem grossly exaggerated. The extravagance of its reaction seems disproportionate and unrealistic, even suggestive of the sweeping and Utopian political fantasies that convulsed the mid-twentieth century, meant in their day to bring "an end to history". America's current Utopian vision, global, free-market democracy under American leadership, is a very unlikely prospect.

American policy on Iraq is condemned abroad by most of the democracies, in part for the practical reason that this policy has manufactured terrorism and nationalist resistance to the United States and its allies inside Iraq and so far has succeeded only in escalating the crisis between the Western powers and Islamic society.

The American insistence that September 11 2001, was the defining event of the age, after which "nothing could be the same", is regarded as simply untrue. The only thing that really changed was the United States. That it may never again be the same is profoundly depressing. Foreign observers are disturbed that American elites seem unable to understand this.

To them, and certainly to an American, the most dismaying aspect of the Bush Administration's conduct has been its installation of torture as integral to American military and clandestine operations, a part of the administration's repudiation of those portions of international law and American treaty obligations that it considers irreconcilable with absolute US national sovereignty, or as obstacles to national policy. This was displayed from the beginning.

The administration's hostility to the UN and to other international institutions, as well as to the constraints of international law, reflects a long tradition on the right wing of the Republican Party, going back to the Republican isolationism of the years between the two world wars. It may be deplorable, but it is no great surprise.

There are, however, few if any antecedents in American public policy and debate for the American government's present commitment to torture. In recent years there was a hint of a break with accepted norms, in the Pentagon's adamant hostility to proposals for an International Criminal Court, and to the 1998 Rome Statute that established such a court, which, ratified by ninety-nine countries, has now come into being. It was difficult at the time to understand the government's position other than as an implicit declaration that existing military doctrine included options that could invite condemnation as war crimes.

The Clinton Administration signed the International Criminal Court treaty despite Defense Department opposition, but President George W Bush formally withdrew the American signature on May 6 2002.

For many years the US Army has been accused of running a "torture school" as part of its training of Latin American officers at its School of the Americas (lately renamed the "Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation"), located first in Panama and later, after Panama's full independence, at Fort Benning in Georgia. This accusation was denied, and most Americans, including this one, were inclined to doubt that it was really so. But the routine use during the war on terror of techniques that according to international law (and common-sense judgment, here and abroad) are clearly torturesuggests that it may have been true after all.

Following the terrorist attacks in September 2001, explicit proposals to authorize torture circulated in the administration and in the Pentagon and CIA, even though there was no one yet to torture. Memoranda soon were drafted by the Justice Department on how to protect American military and intelligence officers from eventual prosecution under existing US law for how they treated prisoners.

When the war in Afghanistan began, the Bush Administration shipped prisoners outside Afghanistan, mainly to the newly established prison facility at the US naval base in Guantanamo, Cuba, a location technically (or at least arguably so) outside the jurisdiction of US laws and courts. It did so without serious examination of the prisoners' individual cases, again in disregard of Geneva Conventions concerning prisoners taken in war.

On January 9 2002, a memorandum co-written by John Yoo of the University of California Law School, who was serving temporarily in the Justice Department, provided arguments to support a claim that with respect to prisoners taken in Afghanistan, the United States was not bound by the Geneva Conventions. The prisoners were to be declared "enemy combatants", not prisoners of war, a legal distinction previously unrecognized but considered necessary to prevent American officials from being exposed to the US federal War Crimes Act of 1996, which carries the death penalty.

There was early consideration of the legal consequences of what the President, members of his cabinet, and other high officials were doing. In effect, the question put to government lawyers was how the President and the others could commit war crimes and not be held accountable. The January 25 2002, opinion Bush received from the White House legal counsel, Alberto R Gonzales, now United States attorney general, held that the President was not bound by US laws or by international engagements prohibiting torture, nor were Americans committing torture under his authority open to prosecution by the Justice Department. This opinion rested on the argument that the nature of the war on terror made existing laws and international agreements irrelevant. Gonzales called the Geneva Conventions "quaint" and "obsolete".

A year later, in March 2003, a memorandum from a Defense Department legal task force held that national-security considerations alone freed the President from adherence to any international treaty or federal law. The Wall Street Journal of June 7 2004, quoted one of the military lawyers who took part in these discussions as saying it was an assertion of "presidential power at its absolute apex".

US Army regulations on dealing with prisoners of war were similarly bypassed, despite objections within the military services and from Secretary of State (and former General) Colin Powell, who said such a policy reversed "over a century of US policy and practice in supporting the Geneva Conventions" and would undermine both the protection of US troops in the future and allied support for American operations. In February, CIA lawyers prudently asked for and obtained from the administration a formal exemption from President Bush's pledge to abide by "the spirit" of the Geneva Conventions. The CIA was aware, if no one else seemed to be, that the new White House policy authorized American officers to commit acts for which the Second World War Allies had hanged Gestapo and SS officers and Japanese prison-camp commanders.

Our government also adopted a system for holding persons in secret prisons and "holding facilities" in foreign locations (denying them legal recourse even if American citizens), interrogating them there, and imprisoning them indefinitely when it suited American purposes. The resemblance to Nazi practice during the totalitarian decades, particularly in the deliberate denial of any legal recourse to such prisoners, presumably permanently, was obvious and dismaying. In contrast, Russian prisoners were always subjected to a form of trial and condemnation, however spurious and arbitrary. People were discharged from the gulag.

America's prisoners considered of particular interest were routinely transferred to third countries, a practice known as "extraordinary rendition". When this first became known, in late 2002, Washington reporters were informed - with a smile and a wink - that its purpose was to have them tortured outside American legal jurisdiction and therefore without American legal accountability. This was confirmed some two and a half years later, when the practice was officially conceded. The US government says that upon rendition, it demands and receives verbal assurance that the person will not be tortured. This is a formality among professionals, since there is no other reason for the rendition.

According to the Washington Post of March 17 2005, more than 100 people have been "rendered" to foreign countries without legal proceedings or access to the International Committee of the Red Cross, as nominally guaranteed to all prisoners held by the US military. The Post quotes a diplomat from an Arab country that cooperates with the United States: "It would be stupid to keep track of them because then you would know what's going on". An Australian citizen named Mamdouh Habib, sent to Egypt for interrogation, said after release that during his six months in Egypt he had been hung from hooks, repeatedly shocked, beaten, and nearly drowned. When he eventually arrived at Guantanamo, most of his fingernails were missing. Prisoners have also been rendered to the peculiarly brutal regime in Uzbekistan, an American "ally" in the war on terror that recently closed American access to an airfield being used in Afghan operations because the State Department had made a formal protest against the ferocity of official Uzbek repression of political protest in that country.

In the summer of 2002, Mr Gonzales commissioned a memo from the Justice Department that defended the President's right to order treatment of "detainees" that inflicted pain up to the limit of causing organ failure, death, or long-term psychological damage. According to a June 2004 report in Newsweek magazine, the memo was written after a meeting convened by Mr Gonzales during which specific torture practices were discussed and approved. In December 2002, Donald Rumsfeld authorized stripping Guantanamo prisoners, partially suffocating them, threatening them with dogs, and leading them to believe that they or their families were going to be killed, among other practices.

An investigation conducted by former Secretary of Defense James R Schlesinger in 2004 determined that some US interrogators who tortured Iraqi detainees at the Abu Ghraib prison believed that their actions had been authorized by a memorandum from the headquarters of Lieutenant General Ricardo S Sanchez approving such techniques as hooding, imposing "stress positions", and using dogs to inspire fear, all violations of the Geneva Conventions. General Sanchez's legal staff sanctioned these practices, reasoning from the memoranda cited above and precedent practices that this treatment was to be applied to "unlawful combatants".

An operational problem subsequently encountered in the field was what to do when things went wrong and the torturers found themselves with a dead man or woman on their hands (it seems that women have also been tortured). In at least one case in the Abu Ghraib prison, this was left to improvisation, which meant removal of the cadaver, which the interrogators kept from putrefying with ice filched from the mess hall, to be dumped elsewhere. In this as in other cases, witnesses say some military doctors were complicit in the application of torture and the cover-up of its consequences, in violation of their professional ethical commitments.

In November 2003 an Iraqi general, Abid Mowhoush, prisoner of the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment in Qaim, died of beating and suffocation after having been stuffed into a sleeping bag and wound around with electrical wire - part of a regularly used "claustrophobic technique" for interrogation.

The incident followed email exchanges in August between the taskforce headquarters in Baghdad and interrogators in the field, in which the former asserted that "the gloves are coming off" because better intelligence was wanted. "Wish lists" were solicited from interrogators on what they wanted to do to prisoners. The 4th Infantry Division in Tikrit replied on August 17 with the suggestion of claustrophobic techniques and low voltage electrocution.

The Amnesty International report called "Guantanamo and Beyond", issued in May 2005, claims that there have been at least 100 deaths of detainees and "27 confirmed or suspected detainee homicides for Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom". The selection of prisoners for torture seems often to have been haphazard. The most horrendous official account thus published, after the New York Times obtained the report of a secret army investigation, is probably that of the man tortured to death at Bagram Collection Point in Afghanistan in 2002 by interrogators who actually believed him to be innocent. The man had simply driven his taxi by a military base "at the wrong time".

What explains this deliberate and dramatic American departure from national as well as international norms of civil and military justice, previously respected, and indeed defended, by the United States government? It has not gone totally unquestioned. The FBI, the armed forces' own legal officers, bar associations, and public-interest groups have all protested, as have retired intelligence officers. But there has been relatively little effective protest in the American press or challenge from Democratic Party leaders. Among them, only former Vice President Al Gore has condemned the American use of torture: eloquently, passionately, and to no effect whatever, finding no public endorsement from other leaders of his party. Thus bipartisan responsibility exists for what has happened, and it continues today.

The Bush Administration simply denies that it authorizes torture, even when issuing the State Department's annual Human Rights report criticizing torture in other countries, including Egypt, Syria, and others to which the United States has rendered prisoners. Michael Kozak, acting assistant secretary of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, said at the time of that report's publication that President Bush "has been very clear on the issue of torture, which is we are against it - and torture by anyone's common-sense definition of it, not some fancy definition".

The United States in the past has always denounced torture , recognizing that its indirect costs are enormous in its effect on the national reputation, its alienation of allied and international opinion, and its corruption of the morale and morality of the military and intelligence services. Why then has it been adopted by the Bush Administration? The semiofficial rationale is expedience, but this is unconvincing. The nearly universal judgment in police, intelligence, and special-warfare circles is that torture is all but useless in obtaining true and timely information. Even if one tortures a key figure in possession of potentially valuable intelligence, and eventually forces him (or her) to say what the interrogator wants to hear, what actual value does the information have? Is it really true, or merely the answer the torturer has implicitly conveyed to the victim that he wishes to hear? Even if true, is it any longer useful? Every resistance or underground organization works with a system of cutouts that limits what any individual knows, and requires a general cancellation of any plans, rendezvous, and operational arrangements that the prisoner might know and disclose.

FBI officials visiting Guantanamo have argued that the torture practiced there by the Department of Defense is gratuitous and useless. Porter Goss himself, director of the CIA, told the Senate Intelligence Committee on February 16 2005, that torture "doesn't work. There are better ways to deal with captives."

The Bush Administration, the CIA, and the US Army now seem addicted to torture, useful or otherwise. People are tortured because this has become the practice. Generalized abuse of captives seems to be thought useful to spread dismay, disorientation, and apprehension among those resisting occupation by foreign troops. There probably is also an influence in this of Cold War experiments with psychological disorientation, demoralization of prisoners through humiliation and degradation, and seemingly random physical abuse.

Confirmation of all these practices has come from dozens of reports, witnesses, participants, and from leaked Red Cross, FBI, US Army, and other official documents. A compilation of documents from official US sources and the International Red Cross describing torture by American agents, soldiers, and private contractors, assembled by Mark Danner, numbers more than 600 pages. {1} The reports are so numerous, consistent, and mutually supportive as to put the existence of these practices beyond doubt. The administration's perfunctory denials have sometimes been of such insolent hypocrisy as to suggest that it considers the American reputation for torture an asset in intimidating terrorists, and possibly others as well. In response to an Amnesty International demand for an independent inquiry into abuse at US detention centers, White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan said: "The United States is leading the way when it comes to protecting human rights and promoting human dignity".

Terrorism and guerrilla warfare demoralize because they are unpredictable and without rules. There is no reliable way to recognize enemies, no structure to determine what is and is not allowable, and so reciprocal atrocities, indiscriminate violence, and the collateral killing of civilians are invited. The psychological defense against all this among our own soldiers is to dehumanize enemy civilians as well as enemy combatants.

The generalization of torture in the so-called war on terror has been facilitated because the President and other American authorities have repeatedly used dehumanizing rhetoric in describing the enemy. The message soldiers (and civilians) have received from the American civilian as well as the military command chain, all the way to the Pentagon and White House, has been that those who oppose the United States' war against terror deserve to be killed. Neither the President nor Donald Rumsfeld speaks in terms of mere defeat of the enemy, much less (in contrast with the British in southern Iraq) of negotiating with him.

The cumulative effect of this dehumanization of the enemy has been to convey to American troops that not only are international and national norms of lawful conduct suspended (or crucially limited) in the war against terror but commonly accepted religious and secular norms of civilized conduct no longer apply. The enemy is evil itself or, as a July 2004 Defense Department threat study put it, the "Universal Adversary".

In some evangelical Protestant religious circles - even inside the US military (scandalously so, it seems, at the Air Force Academy) - there has been implicit or explicit identification of the war in Iraq and against "terror" with the conflict between God and the Devil, this in the context of currently popular American fictional interpretations of the supposedly impending biblical Last Days and the apocalyptic End of Time.

The Bush Administration has created a state of expectation and a mode of conduct hostile to traditional norms of military behavior, and it has inspired an attitude of contempt and fear toward Iraqi, Afghan, and other Islamic enemies that has opened the way to atrocities, licensing sadism and gratuitous cruelty - always near the surface in war. War is awful, but guerrilla and terrorist war is the worst war of all. The people who fight against it can keep their bearings only if the moral structure of their own army is intact. You might think Americans had learned that in Vietnam.

If one seeks a plausible utilitarian explanation for all this, the most reasonable is that the Bush Administration tortures prisoners because of its symbolism. Torture is intended to produce what, in the military assault on Iraq, was called "shock and awe". It is meant as intimidation. We will do these terrible things to demonstrate that nothing will stop us from conquering our enemies. We are indifferent to world opinion. We will stop at nothing.

In that respect, torture has come to resemble the display of armored destruction and indiscriminate firepower put on the night Baghdad was taken, and again, a year and a half later, in the attack on insurgent-held Fallujah.

Both operations were fundamentally symbolic. The fall of Baghdad did not end the war, and the well-advertised assaults on Fallujah and, more recently, on Tal Afar near the Syrian frontier, allowed many insurgents to escape. The real purpose was intimidation of the population: a message to all Iraqis that this is what the United States can do to you if you continue to resist, and, in the case of Fallujah, a collective punishment of the city's residents for having allowed terrorists to operate there.

The administration's obsession with shock and awe is a result of its fatal misunderstanding of the war it is fighting, which is political and not military.

This still is an inadequate explanation for the persistent, continuing, and pervasive use of torture. Moral and even theological judgment on what the Bush Administration has been doing becomes inevitable. The President has invited this judgment by repeatedly justifying his conduct of the war on terror in religious terms, declaring the prisoners held by the US "evil" when resisting the extension to them of legal protection and basic human rights.

The most appropriate public response to this declaration was the one made by former Vice President Al Gore. He said that "one of the clearest indications of the impending loss of intimacy with one's own soul is the failure to recognize the existence of a soul in those over whom power is exercised, especially if the helpless come to be treated as animals, and degraded". I must agree with Gore's conclusion, that those who so degrade others reveal their own - and their nation's - degradation. Unfortunately, he found little support for his position among either Democrats or Republicans.

In the whole affair, the real if unavowed appeal of sadism and nihilism is at work; this cannot be ignored, and it functions not only at the individual level. Certainly the pathetic army reservists whose souvenir photos of torture in the Abu Ghraib prison were early evidence of these practices found themselves unexpectedly in circumstances that evoked or even licensed perverse impulses that otherwise would have remained suppressed. Yet these individuals are the only ones in the entire scandal who have been put on trial; commissioned officers with command responsibility were given letters of reprimand or placed on half-pay for brief periods.

Sadism functions through institutions as well as through individuals, and the determination of this administration to treat its enemies in this manner represents moral perversion in its use of national power: not only to impose an American policy on its enemies but to degrade and humiliate them. This clearly is the will of this government with respect to those who stand in its way. Enemies are not simply to be defeated; they are to be annihilated morally as well as physically.

To destroy is to affirm one's own power: he dies, I am enhanced by his death. It is not a coincidence that all but one of the leading figures in the Bush Administration's conception and conduct of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, nearly all of whom were of military age at the time of the Vietnam War, managed by one contrivance or another to avoid service in that war. They now do by proxy what they were afraid to do in person. No doubt at a level within themselves they cannot afford to contemplate, they search a retroactive validation.

Many of this war's theorists share a current of political thought ascribed to Leo Strauss, in which the superior person, capable of seeing beyond the parochial concerns of ordinary citizens, is held obliged to impose on a nation actions the citizenry would not understand or approve. Neoconservatism, as represented in the Bush Administration, certainly includes fascism among its influences. The eminent political scholar Stanley Hoffmann has noted that although "we are accustomed to the rhetoric of black and white", it is "this cult of power which is radically new. After 1947, it was the Soviet Union which incarnated the cult of power; today it exists among certain Americans, as if they had re-read [the rightist philosopher Carl Schmitt, who taught in the 1930s that the state should dominate society, and that certain states have a right to hegemonic power], or certain Italian fascist theoreticians ... It's very serious."

A similar ideological ruthlessness is derived from Marxist argument as well, that "objective" knowledge about history's dialectical progression authorizes - indeed demands, in mankind's own interest - ruthless exploitation of the human material at the leader's disposal. Bertolt Brecht expressed this "higher realism" when he demanded "what vileness would you not commit to exterminate violence ...?" Today we must add to that, "or to exterminate terror and spread America's version of democracy".

International illegality, the deliberate repudiation of international law, and torture, gratuitously employed in defiance of the moral intuitions of ordinary people, all show that the Bush Administration has chosen to place itself outside the moral community of modern Western democratic civilization. This is not an unwarranted or outrageous judgment; it logically follows from the evidence. It seems a strange choice to have been made by an American government that more than any other in history identifies itself with righteousness and with Christianity.

In that respect, if one is to invoke religious judgments, I would cite Andre Malraux's remark to the novelist Georges Bernanos, who had returned to France from wartime exile and asked what judgment Malraux made on Europe in 1945. Malraux replied, "With the camps, Satan has visibly reappeared over the world".


Note

{1} "Torture and Terror: America, Abu Ghraib and the War on Terror", New York Review of Books, 2004.

William Pfaff's most recent book is The Bullet's Song: Romantic Violence and Utopia (Simon & Schuster, 2004).


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Wednesday, November 09, 2005

Bringing Out the Dead

The press has been minimising the death toll in Iraq

by George Monbiot

Published in the Guardian (November 08 2005)



We were told that the Iraqis don't count. Before the invasion began the head of US central command, General Thomas Franks, boasted "we don't do bodycounts". {1} His claim was repeated by Donald Rumsfeld in November 2003 ("we don't do body counts on other people" {2}) and by the Pentagon in January this year ("the only thing we keep track of is casualties for US troops and civilians". {3})

But it's not true. Almost every week the Pentagon claims to have killed fifty or seventy or a hundred insurgents in its latest assault on the latest stronghold of the ubiquitous monster Zarqawi. In May the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff said that his soldiers had killed 250 of Zarqawi's "closest lieutenants" {4} (or so 500 of his best friends had told him). But last week, the Pentagon did something new. Buried in its latest security report to Congress is a bar chart labelled "average daily casualties - Iraqi and coalition. 1 Jan 04 - 16 Sep 05" {5}. The claim that it kept no track of Iraqi deaths was false.

The report does not explain what it means by casualty, or whether its figures represent all casualties, only insurgents or, as the foregoing paragraph appears to hint, only civilians killed by insurgents. There is no explanation of how the figures were gathered or compiled. The only accompanying text is the words "Source: MNC-I", which means Multi-National Corps - Iraq. We'll just have to trust them.

What the chart shows is that these unexplained casualties have more than doubled since the beginning of the Pentagon's survey. From January to March 2004, 26 units of something or other were happening every day, while in September 2005 the something or other rose to 64. But whatever it is that's been rising, the weird morality of this war dictates that it is reported as good news. Journalists have been multiplying the daily average of mystery units by the number of days, discovering that the figure is lower than previous estimates of Iraqi deaths, and using it to cast doubts on them. As ever, the study in the line of fire is the report published by the Lancet in October last year.

It was a household survey - of 988 homes in 33 randomly selected districts - and it suggested, on the basis of the mortality those households reported before and after the invasion, that the risk of death in Iraq had risen by a factor of 1.5. Somewhere between 8000 and 194,000 extra people had died, with the most probable figure being 98,000 {6}. Around half the deaths, if Falluja was included, or fifteen percent if it was not, were caused by violence, and the great majority of those by attacks on the part of US forces.

In the US and the UK, the study was either ignored or torn to bits. The media described it as "inflated", "overstated", "politicised" and "out of proportion" {7}. Just about every possible misunderstanding and distortion of its statistics was published, of which the most remarkable was the Observer's claim that "The report's authors admit it drew heavily on the rebel stronghold of Falluja, which has been plagued by fierce fighting. Strip out Falluja, as the study itself acknowledged, and the mortality rate is reduced dramatically." {8} In fact, as they made clear on page one, the authors had stripped out Falluja: their estimate of 98,000 deaths would otherwise have been much higher.

But the attacks in the press succeeded in sinking the study. Now, whenever a newspaper or broadcaster produces an estimate of civilian deaths, the Lancet report is passed over in favour of lesser figures. For the past three months, the editors and subscribers of the website Medialens have been writing to the papers and broadcasters to try to find out why {9}. The standard response, exemplified by a letter from the BBC's online news service last week, is that the study's "technique of sampling and extrapolating from samples has been criticised". {10} That's true, and by the same reasoning we could dismiss the fact that six million people were killed in the Holocaust, on the grounds that this figure has also been criticised, albeit by skinheads. The issue is not whether the study has been criticised, but whether the criticism is valid.

As Medialens has pointed out, it was the same lead author, using the same techniques, who reported that 1.7 million people had died as a result of conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). That finding has been cited by Tony Blair, Colin Powell, and almost every major newspaper on both sides of the Atlantic, and none of them have challenged either the method or the result. Using the Congo study as justification, the UN Security Council called for all foreign armies to leave the DRC and doubled the country's UN aid budget {11}.

The other reason the press gives for burying the Lancet study is that it is out of line with competing estimates. Like Jack Straw, wriggling his way around the figures in a written ministerial statement {12}, they compare it to the statistics compiled by the Iraqi health ministry and the website Iraq Body Count.

In December 2003, Associated Press reported that "Iraq's Health Ministry has ordered a halt to a count of civilians killed during the war". According to the head of the ministry's statistics department, both the puppet government and the Coalition Provisional Authority demanded that it be stopped {13}. As Naomi Klein has shown on these pages, when US soldiers stormed Falluja (a year ago today), their first action was to seize the general hospital and arrest the doctors {14}. The New York Times reported that "the hospital was selected as an early target because the American military believed that it was the source of rumours about heavy casualties" {15}. After the coalition had used these novel statistical methods to improve the results, Tony Blair explained to parliament that "figures from the Iraqi ministry of health, which are a survey from the hospitals there, are in our view the most accurate survey there is" {16}.

Iraq Body Count, whose tally has now reached 26,000 to 30,000 {17}, measures only civilian deaths which can be unambiguously attributed to the invasion and which have been reported by two independent news agencies. As the compilers point out, "it is likely that many if not most civilian casualties will go unreported by the media ... our own total is certain to be an underestimate of the true position, because of gaps in reporting or recording". {18} Of the seven mortality reports surveyed by the Overseas Development Institute, the estimate in the Lancet's paper was only the third highest {19}. It remains the most thorough study published so far. Extraordinary as its numbers seem, they are the most likely to be true.

And what of the idea that most of the violent deaths in Iraq are caused by coalition troops? Well according to the Houston Chronicle even Tony Blair's favourite data source, the Iraqi health ministry, reports that twice as many Iraqis - and most of them civilians - are being killed by US and UK forces as by insurgents {20}. When the Pentagon claims that it has just killed fifty or seventy or a hundred rebel fighters, we have no means of knowing who those people really were. Everyone it blows to pieces becomes a terrorist. In July Jack Keane, the former Vice Chief of Staff of the US Army, claimed that coalition troops had killed or captured more than 50,000 "insurgents" since the start of the rebellion {21}. Perhaps they were all Zarqarwi's closest lieutenants.

We can expect the US and UK governments to seek to minimise the extent of their war crimes. But it's time the media stopped collaborating.

www.monbiot.com


References:

1. Eg BBC News online, 6th June 2005. Counting the civilian cost in Iraq. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3672298.stm

2. Eg Bradley Graham, 24th October 2005. Enemy Body Counts Revived. The Washington Post.

3. Lila Guterman, 27 January 2005. Researchers Who Rushed into Print a Study of Iraqi Civilian Deaths Now Wonder Why It Was Ignored. Chronicle of Higher Education.

4. Bradley Graham, ibid.

5. Department of Defense, October 2005. Measuring Stability and Security in Iraq. Report to Congress. http://www.defenselink.mil/news/Oct2005/d20051013iraq.pdf

6. Les Roberts, Riyadh Lafta, Richard Garfield, Jamal Khudhairi and Gilbert Burnham, 29th October 2004. Mortality before and after the 2003 invasion of Iraq: cluster sample survey. The Lancet. http://image.thelancet.com/extras/04art10342web.pdf

7. See Medialens, 6th September 2005. Burying the Lancet - Part 2. http://www.medialens.org/alerts/05/050906_burying_the_lancet_part2.php

8. Jamie Doward, 7th November 2004. The Lancet and the bodies in question. The Observer.

9. See http://www.medialens.org

10. See post by Gabriele Zamparini, 3rd November 2005. BBC and Lancet Report.
http://www.medialens.org/board/

11. Medialens cite Lila Guterman, 27 January 2005. Researchers Who Rushed Into Print a Study of Iraqi Civilian Deaths Now Wonder Why It Was Ignored. Chronicle of Higher Education.

12. Jack Straw, 17th November 2004. Written Ministerial Statement Responding to a Lancet Study on Iraqi Casualty Figures. http://www.fco.gov.uk/servlet/Front?pagename=OpenMarket/Xcelerate/ShowPage&c=Page&cid=1007029391629&a=KArticle&aid=1100183680513

13. AP report, 10th December 2003. Iraq's Health Ministry ordered to stop counting civilian dead from war. http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2003-12-10-iraq-civilians_x.htm

14. Naomi Klein, 4th December 2004. You asked for my evidence, Mr Ambassador. Here it is. The Guardian.

15. Quoted by Naomi Klein, ibid.

16. Quoted by David Hughes, 9th December 2004. No inquiry into Iraq death toll, says Blair. The Daily Mail.

17. http://www.iraqbodycount.net/

18. Iraq Body Count, Quick FAQ and Press Release, 7th November 2004. IBC response to the Lancet study estimating "100,000" Iraqi deaths. http://www.iraqbodycount.net/press/archive.php

19. Francesco Checchi and Les Roberts, 1st September 2005. Interpreting and using mortality data in humanitarian emergencies. Overseas Development Institute. http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/lib.nsf/db900SID/KKEE-6GEQEN/$FILE/Morality%20in%20HE.pdf?OpenElement

20. Nancy A Youssef, 25th September 2004. Forces linked to more deaths than insurgents. Houston Chronicle.

21. Sharon Behn, 26th July 2005. 50,000 Iraqi insurgents dead, caught. The Washington Times.

http://www.monbiot.com/archives/2005/11/08/bringing-out-the-dead/


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Tuesday, November 08, 2005

Energy and Economic Myths

by Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen

Reprinted from


Southern Economic Journal 41, no 3 (January 1975)

Hardly anyone would nowadays openly profess a belief in the immortality of mankind. Yet many of us prefer not to exclude this possibility; to this end, we endeavor to impugn any factor that could limit mankind's life. The most natural rallying idea is that mankind's entropic dowry is virtually inexhaustible, primarily because of man's inherent power to defeat the Entropy Law in some way or another.

To begin with, there is the simple argument that, just as has happened with many natural laws, the laws on which the finiteness of accessible resources rests will be refuted in turn. The difficulty of this historical argument is that history proves with even greater force, first, that in a finite space there can be only a finite amount of low entropy and, second, that low entropy continuously and irrevocably dwindles away. The impossibility of perpetual motion (of both kinds) is as firmly anchored in history as the law of gravitation.

More sophisticated weapons have been forged by the statistical interpretation of thermodynamic phenomena - an endeavor to reestablish the supremacy of mechanics propped up this time by a sui generis notion of probability. According to this interpretation, the reversibility of high into low entropy is only a highly improbable, not a totally impossible event. And since the event is possible, we should be able by an ingenious device to cause the event to happen as often as we please, just as an adroit sharper may throw a "six" almost at will. The argument only brings to the surface the irreducible contradictions and fallacies packed into the foundations of the statistical interpretation by the worshipers of mechanics [32, ch 6]. The hopes raised by this interpretation were so sanguine at one time that P W Bridgman, an authority on thermodynamics, felt it necessary to write an article just to expose the fallacy of the idea that one may fill one's pockets with money by "bootlegging entropy" [11].

Occasionally and sotto voce some express the hope, once fostered by a scientific authority such as John von Neumann, that man will eventually discover how to make energy a free good, "just like the unmetered air" [3, p 32]. Some envision a "catalyst" by which to decompose, for example, the sea water into oxygen and hydrogen, the combustion of which will yield as much available energy as we would want. But the analogy with the small ember which sets a whole log on fire is unavailing. The entropy of the log and the oxygen used in the combustion is lower than that of the resulting ashes and smoke, whereas the entropy of water is higher than that of the oxygen and hydrogen after decomposition. Therefore, the miraculous catalyst also implies entropy bootlegging. {1}

With the notion, now propagated from one syndicated column to another, that the breeder reactor produces more energy than it consumes, the fallacy of entropy bootlegging seems to have reached its greatest currency even among the large circles of literati, including economists. Unfortunately, the illusion feeds on misconceived sales talk by some nuclear experts who extol the reactors which transform fertile but nonfissionable material into fissionable fuel as the breeders that "produce more fuel than they consme" [81, p 82]. The stark truth is that the breeder is in no way different from a plant which produces hammers with the aid of some hammers. According to the deficit principle of the Entropy Law ... even in breeding chickens a greater amount of low entropy is consumed than is contained in the product. {2}

Apparently in defense of the standard vision of the economic process, economists have set forth themes of their own. We may mention first the argument that "the notion of an absolute limit to natural resource availability is untenable when the definition of resources changes drastically and unpredictably over time ... A limit may exist, but it can be neither defined nor specified in economic terms" [3, pp 7, 11]. We also read that there is no upper limit even for arable land because "arable is infinitely indefinable" [55, p 22]. The sophistry of these arguments is flagrant. No one would deny that we cannot say exactly how much coal, for example, is accessible. Estimates of natural resources have constantly been shown to be too low. Also, the point that metals contained in the top mile of the earth's crust may be a million times as much as the present known reserves [4, p 338; 58, p 331] does not prove the inexhaustibility of resources, but, characteristically, it ignores both the issues of accessibility and disposability. {3} Whatever resources or arable land we may need at one time or another, they will consist of accessible low entropy and accessible land. And since all kinds together are in finite amount, no taxonomic switch can do away with that finiteness.

The favorite thesis of standard and Marxist economists alike, however, is that the power of technology is without limits [3; 4; 10; 49; 51; 69; 74]. We will always be able not only to find a substitute for a resource which has become scarce, but also to increase the productivity of any kind of energy and material. Should we run out of some resources, we will always think up something, just as we have continuously done since the time of Pericles [4, pp 332-334]. Nothing, therefore, could ever stand in the way of an increasingly happier existence of the human species. One can hardly think of a more blunt form of linear thinking. By the same logic, no healthy young human should ever become afflicted with rheumatism or any other old-age ailments; nor should he ever die. Dinosaurs, just before they disappeared from this very same planet, had behind them not less than one hundred and fifty million years of truly prosperous existence. (And they did not pollute environment with industrial waste!) But the logic to be truly savored is Solo's [73, p 516]. If entropic degradation is to bring mankind to its knees sometime in the future, it should have done so sometime after AD 1000. The old truth of Seigneur de La Palice has never been turned around - and in such a delightful form. {4}

In support of the same thesis, there also are arguments directly pertaining to its substance. First, there is the assertion that only a few kinds of resources are "so resistant to technological advance as to be incapable of eventually yielding extractive products at constant or declining cost" [3, p 10]. {5} More recently, some have come out with a specific law which, in a way, is the contrary of Malthus's law concerning resources. The idea is that technology improves exponentially [4, p 236; 51, p 664; 74, p 45]. The superficial justification is that one technological advance induces another. This is true, only it does not work cumulatively as in population growth. And it is terribly wrong to argue, as Maddox does [59, p 21], that to insist on the existence of a limit to technology means to deny man's power to influence progress. Even if technology continues to progress, it will not necessary exceed any limit; an increasing sequence may have an upper limit. In the case of technology this limit is set by the theoretical coefficient of efficiency ... If progress were indeed exponential, then the input i per unit of output would follow in time the law i = i0(1 + r)-t and would constantly approach zero. Production would ultimately become incorporeal and the earth a new Garden of Eden.

Finally, there is the thesis which may be called the fallacy of endless substitution: "Few components of the earth's crust, including farm land, are so specific as to defy economic replacement; ... nature imposes particular scarcities, not an inescapable general scarcity" [3, pp 10f]. {6} Bray's protest notwithstanding [10, p 8], this is "an economist's conjuring trick". True, there are only a few "vitamin" elements which play a totally specific role such as phosphorus plays in living organisms. Aluminum, on the other hand, has replaced iron and copper in many, although not in all uses. {7} However, substitution within a finite stock of accessible low entropy whose irrevocable degradation is speeded up through use cannot possibly go on forever.

In Solow's hands, substitution becomes the key factor that supports technological progress even as resources become increasingly scarce. There will be, first, a substitution within the spectrum of consumer goods. With prices reacting to increasing scarcity, consumers will buy "fewer resource-intensive goods and more of other things" [74, p 47]. {8} More recently, he extended the same idea to production, too. We may, he argues, substitute "other factors for natural resources" [75, p 11]. One must have a very erroneous view of the economic process as a whole not to see that there are no material factors other than natural resources. To maintain further that "the world can, in effect, get along without natural resources" is to ignore the difference between the actual world and the Garden of Eden.

More impressive are the statistical data invoked in support of some of the foregoing theses. The data adduced by Solow [74, pp 44f] show that in the United States between 1950 and 1970 the consumption of a series of mineral elements per unit of GNP decreased substantially. The exceptions were attributed to substitution but were expected to get in line sooner or later. In strict logic, the data do not prove that during the same period technology necessarily progressed to a greater economy of resources. The GNP may increase more than any input of minerals even if technology remains the same, or even if it deteriorates. But we also know that during practically the same period, 1947-1967, the consumption per capita of basic materials increased in the United States. And in the world, during only one decade, 1957-1967, the consumption of steel per capita grew by 44 percent [12, pp 198-200]. What matters in the end is not only the impact of technological progress on the consumption of resources per unit of GNP, but especially the increase in the rate of resource depletion, which is a side effect of that progress.

Still more impressive - as they have actually proved to be - are the data used by Barnett and Morse to show that, from 1870 to 1957, the ratios of labor and capital costs to net output decreased appreciably in agriculture and mining, both critical sectors as concerns depletion of resources [3, 8f, 167-178]. In spite of some arithmetical incongruities, {9} the picture emerging from these data cannot be repudiated. Only its interpretation must be corrected.

For the environmental problem it is essential to understand the typical forms in which technological progress may occur. A first group includes the economy innovations, which achieve a net economy of low entropy - be it by a more complete combustion, by decreasing friction, by deriving a more intensive light from gas or electricity, by substituting materials costing less in energy for others costing more, and so on. Under this heading we should also include the discovery of how to use new kinds of accessible low entropy. A second group consists of substitution innovations, which simply substitute physicochemical energy for human energy. A good illustration is the innovation of gunpowder, which did away with the catapult. Such innovations generally enable us not only to do things better but also (and especially) to do things which could not be done before - to fly in airplanes, for example. Finally, there are the spectrum innovations, which bring into existence new consumer goods, such as the hat, nylon stockings, et cetera. Most of the innovations of this group are at the same time substitution innovations. In fact, most innovations belong to more than one category. But the classification serves analytical purposes.

Now, economic history confirms a rather elementary fact - the fact that the great strides in technological progress have generally been touched off by a discovery of how to use a new kind of accessible energy. On the other hand, a great stride in technological progress cannot materialize unless the corresponding innovation is followed by a great mineralogical expansion. Even a substantial increase in the efficiency of the use of gasoline as fuel would pale in comparison with a manifold increase of the known, rich oil fields.

This sort of expansion is what has happened during the last one hundred years. We have struck oil and discovered new coal and gas deposits in a far greater proportion than we could use during the same period. Still more important, all mineralogical discoveries have included a substantial proportion of easily accessible resources. This exceptional bonanza by itself has sufficed to lower the real cost of bringing mineral resources in situ to the surface. Energy of mineral source thus becoming cheaper, substitution innovations have caused the ratio of labor to net output to decline. Capital also must have evolved toward forms which cost less but use more energy to achieve the same result. What has happened during this period is a modification of the cost structure, the flow factors being increased and the fund factors decreased. {10} By examining, therefore, only the relative variations of the fund factors during a period of exceptional mineral bonanza, we cannot prove either that the unitary total cost will always follow a declining trend or that the continuous progress of technology renders accessible resources almost inexhaustible - as Barnett and Morse claim [3, p 239].

Little doubt is thus left about the fact that the theses examined in this section are anchored in a deep-lying belief in mankind's immortality. Some of their defenders have even urged us to have faith in the human species: such faith will triumph over all limitations. {11} But neither faith nor assurance from some famous academic chair [4] could alter the fact that, according to the basic law of thermodynamics, mankind's dowry is finite. Even if one were inclined to believe in the possible refutation of these principles in the future, one still must not act on that faith now. We must take into account that evolution does not consist of a linear repetition, even though over short intervals it may fool us into the contrary belief.

A great deal of confusion about the environmental problem prevails not only among economists generally (as evidenced by the numerous cases already cited), but also among the highest intellectual circles simply because the sheer entropic nature of all happenings is ignored or misunderstood. Sir Macfarlane Burnet, a Nobelite, in a special lecture considered it imperative "to prevent the progressive destruction of the earth's irreplaceable resources" [quoted, 15, p 1].

And a prestigious institution such as the United Nations, in its Declaration on the Human Environment (Stockholm, 1972), repeatedly urged everyone "to improve the environment". Both urgings reflect the fallacy that man can reverse the march of entropy. The truth, however unpleasant, is that the most we can do is to prevent any unnecessary depletion of resources and any unnecessary deterioration of the environment, but without claiming that we know the precise meaning of "unnecessary" in this context.


The Steady State: A Topical Mirage

Malthus, as we know, was criticized primarily because he assumed that population and resources grow according to some simple mathematical laws. But this criticism did not touch the real error of Malthus (which has apparently remained unnoticed). This error is the implicit assumption that population may grow beyond any limit both in number and time provided that it does not grow too rapidly. {12} An essentially similar error has been committed by the authors of The Limits, by the authors of the nonmathematical yet more articulate "Blueprint for Survival", as well as by several earlier writers. Because, like Malthus, they were set exclusively on proving the impossibility of growth, they were easily deluded by a simple, now widespread, but false syllogism: since exponential growth in a finite world leads to disasters of all kinds, ecological salvation lies in the stationary state [42; 47; 62, pp 156-184; 6, pp 3f, 8, 20]. {13} H Daly even claims that "the stationary state economy is, therefore, a necessity" [21, p 5].

This vision of a blissful world in which both population and capital stock remain constant, once expounded with his usual skill by John Stuart Mill [64, bk. 4, ch. 6], was until recently in oblivion. {14} Because of the spectacular revival of this myth of ecological salvation, it is well to point out its various logical and factual snags. The crucial error consists in not seeing that not only growth, but also a zerogrowth state, nay, even a declining state which does not converge toward annihilation, cannot exist forever in a finite environment. The error perhaps stems from some confusion between finite stock and finite flow rate, as the incongruous dimensionalities of several graphs suggest [62, pp 62, 64f, 124ff; 6, p 6]. And contrary to what some advocates of the stationary state claim [21, p 15], this state does not occupy a privileged position vis-a-vis physical laws.

To get to the core of the problem, let S denote the actual amount of accessible resources in the crust of the earth. Let Pi and si be the population and the amount of depleted resources per person in the year i. Let the "amount of total life", measured in years of life, be defined by [formula omitted], from i = 0 to i = 0o. S sets an upper limit for L through the obvious constraint [formula omitted]. For although si is a historical variable, it cannot be zero or even negligible (unless mankind reverts sometime to a berry-picking economy). Therefore, P = 0 for i greater than some finite n, and Pi > 0 otherwise. That value of n is the maximum duration of the human species [31, pp 12f; 32, p 304].

The earth also has a so-called carrying capacity, which depends on a complex of factors, including the size of si. {15} This capacity sets a limit on any single Pi. But this limit does not render the other limits, of L and n, superfluous. It is therefore inexact to argue - as the Meadows group seems to do [62, pp 91f] - that the stationary state can go on forever as long as Pi does not exceed that capacity. The proponents of salvation through the stationary state must admit that such a state can have only a finite duration - unless they are willing to join the "No Limit" Club by maintaining that S is inexhaustible or almost so - as the Meadows group does in fact [62, p 172]. Alternatively, they must explain the puzzle of how a whole economy, stationary for a long era, all of a sudden comes to an end.

Apparently, the advocates of the stationary state equate it with an open thermodynamic steady state. This state consists of an open macrosystem which maintains its entropic structure constant through material exchanges with its "environment". As one would immediately guess, the concept constitutes a highly useful tool for the study of biological organisms. We must, however, observe that the concept rests on some special conditions introduced by L Onsager [50, pp 89-97]. These conditions are so delicate (they are called the principle of detailed balance) that in actuality they can hold only "within a deviation of a few percent" [50, p 140]. For this reason, a steady state may exist in fact only in an approximated manner and over a finite duration. This impossibility of a macrosystem not in a state of chaos to be perpetually durable may one day be explicitly recognized by a new thermodynamic law just as the impossibility of perpetual motion once was. Specialists recognize that the present thermodynamic laws do not suffice to explain all nonreversible phenomena, including especially life processes.

Independently of these snags there are simple reasons against believing that mankind can live in a perpetual stationary state. The structure of such a state remains the same throughout; it does not contain in itself the seed of the inexorable death of all open macrosystems. On the other hand, a world with a stationary population would, on the contrary, be continually forced to change its technology as well as its mode of life in response to the inevitable decrease of resource accessibility. Even if we beg the issue of how capital may change qualitatively and still remain constant, we could have to assume that the unpredictable decrease in accessibility will be miraculously compensated by the right innovations at the right time. A stationary world may for a while be interlocked with the changing environment through a system of balancing feedbacks analogous to those of a living organism during one phase of its life. But as Bormann reminded us [7, p 707], the miracle cannot last forever; sooner or later the balancing system will collapse. At that time, the stationary state will enter a crisis, which will defeat its alleged purpose and nature.

One must be cautioned against another logical pitfall, that of invoking the Prigogine principle in support of the stationary state. This principle states that the minimum of the entropy produced by an Onsager type of open thermodynamic system is reached when the system becomes steady [50, ch. 16]. It says nothing about how this last entropy compares with that produced by other open systems. {16}

The usual arguments adduced in favor of the stationary state are, however, of a different, more direct nature. It is, for example, argued that in such a state there is more time for pollution to be reduced by natural processes and for technology to adapt itself to the decrease of resource accessibility [62, p 166]. It is plainly true that we could use much more efficiently today the coal we have burned in the past. The rub is that we might not have mastered the present efficient techniques if we had not burned all that coal "inefficiently." The point that in a stationary state people will not have to work additionally to accumulate capital (which in view of what I have said in the last paragraphs is not quite accurate) is related to Mill's claim that people could devote more time to intellectual activities. "The trampling, crushing, elbowing, and treading on each other's heel" will cease [64, p 754]. History, however, offers multiple examples - the Middle Ages, for one - of quasi stationary societies where arts and sciences were practically stagnant. In a stationary state, too, people may be busy in the fields and shops all day long. Whatever the state, free time for intellectual progress depends on the intensity of the pressure of population on resources. Therein lies the main weakness of Mill's vision. Witness the fact that - as Daly explicitly admits [21, pp 6-8] - its writ offers no basis for determining even in principle the optimum levels of population and capital. This brings to light the important, yet unnoticed point, that the necessary conclusion of the arguments in favor of that vision is that the most desirable state is not a stationary, but a declining one.

Undoubtedly, the current growth must cease, nay, be reversed. But anyone who believes that he can draw a blueprint for the ecological salvation of the human species does not understand the nature of evolution, or even of history - which is that of permanent struggle in continuously novel forms, not that of a predictable, controllable physico-chemical process, such as boiling an egg or launching a rocket to the moon.


Some Basic Bioeconomics {17}

Apart from a few insignificant exceptions, all species other than man use only endosomatic instruments - as Alfred Lotka proposed to call those instruments (legs, claws, wings, et cetera) which belong to the individual organism by birth. Man alone came, in time, to use a club, which does not belong to him by birth, but which extended his endosomatic arm and increased its power. At that point in time, man's evolution transcended the biological limits to include also (and primarily) the evolution of exosomatic instruments, that is, of instruments produced by man but not belonging to his body. {18} That is why man can now fly in the sky or swim under water even though his body has no wings, no fins, and no gills.

The exosomatic evolution brought down upon the human species two fundamental and irrevocable changes. The first is the irreducible social conflict which characterizes the human species [29, pp 98-101; 32, pp 306-315, 348f]. Indeed, there are other species which also live in society, but which are free from such conflict. The reason is that their "social classes" correspond to some clear-cut biological divisions. The periodic killing of a great part of the drones by the bees is a natural, biological action, not a civil war.

The second change is man's addiction to exosomatic instruments - a phenomenon analogous to that of the flying fish which became addicted to the atmosphere and mutated into birds forever. It is because of this addiction that mankind's survival presents a problem entirely different from that of all other species [31; 32, pp 302-305]. It is neither only biological nor only economic. It is bioeconomic. Its broad contours depend on the multiple asymmetries existing among the three sources of low entropy which together constitute mankind's dowry - the free energy received from the sun, on the one hand, and the free energy and the ordered material structures stored in the bowels of the earth, on the other.

The first asymmetry concerns the fact that the terrestrial component is a stock, whereas the solar one is a flow. The difference needs to be well understood [32, pp 226f]. Coal in situ is a stock because we are free to use it all today (conceivably) or over centuries. But at no time can we use any part of a future flow of solar radiation. Moreover, the flow rate of this radiation is wholly beyond our control; it is completely determined by cosmological conditions, including the size of our globe. {19} One generation, whatever it may do, cannot alter the share of solar radiation of any future generation. Because of the priority of the present over the future and the irrevocability of entropic degradation, the opposite is true for the terrestrial shares. These shares are affected by how much of the terrestrial dowry the past generations have consumed.

Second, since no practical procedure is available at human scale for transforming energy into matter ... accessible material low entropy is by far the most critical element from the bioeconomic viewpoint. True, a piece of coal burned by our forefathers is gone forever, just as is part of the silver or iron, for instance, mined by them. Yet future generations will still have their inalienable share of solar energy (which, as we shall see next, is enormous). Hence, they will be able, at least, to use each year an amount of wood equivalent to the annual vegetable growth. For the silver and iron dissipated by the earlier generations there is no similar compensation. This is why in bioeconomics we must emphasize that every Cadillac or every Zim - let alone any instrument of war - means fewer plowshares for some future generations, and implicitly, fewer future human beings, too [31, p 13; 32, p 304].

Third, there is an astronomical difference between the amount of the flow of solar energy and the size of the stock of terrestrial free energy. At the cost of a decrease in mass of 131 x 1012 tons, the sun radiates annually 1013 Q - one single Q being equal to 1018 BTU! Of this fantastic flow, only some 5,300 Q are intercepted at the limits of the earth's atmosphere, with roughly one half of that amount being reflected back into outer space. At our own scale, however, even this amount is fantastic; for the total world consumption of energy currently amounts to no more than 0.2 Q annually. From the solar energy that reaches the ground level, photosynthesis absorbs only 1.2 Q. From waterfalls we could obtain at most 0.08 Q, but we are now using only one tenth of that potential. Think also of the additional fact that the sun will continue to shine with practically the same intensity for another five billion years (before becoming a red giant which will raise the earth's temperature to 1,000°F). Undoubtedly, the human species will not survive to benefit from all this abundance.

Passing to the terrestrial dowry, we find that, according to the best estimates, the initial dowry of fossil fuel amounted to only 215 Q. The outstanding recoverable reserves (known and probable) amount to about 200 Q. These reserves, therefore, could produce only two weeks of sunlight on the globe. {20} If their depletion continues to increase at the current pace, these reserves may support man's industrial activity for just a few more decades. Even the reserves of uranium 235 will not last for a longer period if used in the ordinary reactors. Hopes are now set on the breeder reactor, which, with the aid of uranium 235, may "extract" the energy of the fertile but not fissionable elements, uranium 238 and thorium 232. Some experts claim that this source of energy is "essentially inexhaustible" [83, p 412]. In the United States alone, it is believed, there are large areas covered with black shale and granite which contain 60 grams of natural uranium or thorium per metric ton [46, pp 226f]. On this basis, Weinberg and Hammond [83, pp 415f] have come out with a grand plan. By stripmining and crushing all these rocks, we could obtain enough nuclear fuel for some 32,000 breeder reactors distributed in 4,000 offshore parks and capable of supplying a population of twenty billion for millions of years with twice as much energy per capita as the current consumption rate in the USA. The grand plan is a typical example of linear thinking, according to which all that is needed for the existence of a population, even "considerably larger than twenty billion", is to increase all supplies proportionally. {21} Not that the authors deny that there also are nontechnical issues; only, they play them down with noticeable zeal [83, pp 417f]. The most important issue, of whether a social organization compatible with the density of population and the nuclear manipulation at the grand level can be achieved, is brushed aside by Weinberg as "transscientific" [82]. {22} Technicians are prone to forget that due to their own successes, nowadays it may be easier to move the mountain to Mohammed than to induce Mohammed to go to the mountain. For the time being, the snag is far more palpable. As responsible forums openly admit, even one breeder still presents substantial risks of nuclear catastrophes, and the problem of safe transportation of nuclear fuels and especially that of safe storage of the radioactive garbage still await a solution even for a moderate scale of operations [35; 36; especially 39 and 67].

There remains the physicist's greatest dream, controlled thermonuclear reaction. To constitute a real breakthrough, it must be the deuterium-deuterium reaction, the only one that could open up a formidable source of terrestrial energy for a long era. {23} However, because of the difficulties alluded to earlier ... even the experts working at it do not find reasons for being too hopeful.

For completion, we should also mention the tidal and geothermal energies, which, although not negligible (in all, 0.1 Q per year), can be harnessed only in very limited situations.

The general picture is now clear. The terrestrial energies on which we can rely effectively exist in very small amounts, whereas the use of those which exist in ampler amounts is surrounded by great risks and formidable technical obstacles. On the other hand, there is the immense energy from the sun which reaches us without fail. Its direct use is not yet practiced on a significant scale, the main reason being that the alternative industries are now much more efficient economically. But promising results are coming from various directions [37; 41]. What counts from the bioeconomic viewpoint is that the feasibility of using the sun's energy directly is not surrounded by risks or big question marks; it is a proven fact.

The conclusion is that mankind's entropic dowry presents another important differential scarcity. From the viewpoint of the extreme long run, the terrestrial free energy is far scarcer than that received from the sun. The point exposes the foolishness of the victory cry that we can finally obtain protein from fossil fuels! Sane reason tells us to move in the opposite direction, to convert vegetable stuff into hydrocarbon fuel - an obviously natural line already pursued by several researchers [22, pp 311-313]. {24}

Fourth, from the viewpoint of industrial utilization, solar energy has an immense drawback in comparison with energy of terrestrial origin. The latter is available in a concentrated form; in some cases, in a too concentrated form. As a result, it enables us to obtain almost instantaneously enormous amounts of work, most of which could not even be obtained otherwise. By great contrast, the flow of solar energy comes to us with an extremely low intensity, like a very fine rain, almost a microscopic mist. The important difference from true rain is that this radiation rain is not collected naturally into streamlets, then into creeks and rivers, and finally into lakes from where we could use it in a concentrated form, as is the case with waterfalls. Imagine the difficulty one would face if one tried to use directly the kinetic energy of some microscopic rain drops as they fall. The same difficulty presents itself in using solar energy directly (that is, not through the chemical energy of green plants, or the kinetic energy of the wind and waterfalls). But as was emphasized a while ago, the difficulty does not amount to impossibility. {25}

Fifth, solar energy, on the other hand, has a unique and incommensurable advantage. The use of any terrestrial energy produces some noxious pollution, which, moreover, is irreducible and hence cumulative, be it in the form of thermal pollution alone. By contrast, any use of solar energy is pollution-free. For, whether this energy is used or not, its ultimate fate is the same, namely, to become the dissipated heat that maintains the thermodynamic equilibrium between the globe and outer space at a propitious temperature. {26}

The sixth asymmetry involves the elementary fact that the survival of every species on earth depends, directly or indirectly, on solar radiation (in addition to some elements of a superficial environmental layer). Man alone, because of his exosomatic addiction, depends on mineral resources as well. For the use of these resources man competes with no other species; yet his use of them usually endangers many forms of life, including his own. Some species have in fact been brought to the brink of extinction merely because of man's exosomatic needs or his craving for the extravagant. But nothing in nature compares in fierceness with man's competition for solar energy (in its primary or its by-product forms). Man has not deviated one bit from the law of the jungle; if anything, he has made it even more merciless by his sophisticated exosomatic instruments. Man has openly sought to exterminate any species that robs him of his food or feeds on him - wolves, rabbits, weeds, insects, microbes, et cetera.

But this struggle of man with other species for food (in ultimate analysis, for solar energy) has some unobtrusive aspects as well. And, curiously, it is one of these aspects that has some far-reaching consequences in addition to supplying a most instructive refutation of the common belief that every technological innovation constitutes a move in the right direction as concerns the economy of resources. The case pertains to the economy of modern agricultural techniques ...

Justus von Liebig observed that "civilization is the economy of power" [32, p 304]. At the present hour, the economy of power in all its aspects calls for a turning point. Instead of continuing to be opportunistic in the highest degree and concentrating our research toward finding more economically efficient ways of tapping mineral energies - all in finite supply and all heavy pollutants - we should direct all our efforts toward improving the direct uses of solar energy - the only clean and essentially unlimited source. Already-known techniques should without delay be diffused among all people so that we all may learn from practice and develop the corresponding trade.

An economy based primarily on the flow of solar energy will also do away, though not completely, with the monopoly of the present over future generations, for even such an economy will still need to tap the terrestrial dowry, especially for materials. Technological innovations will certainly have a role in this direction. But it is high time for us to stop emphasizing exclusively - as all platforms have apparently done so far - the increase of supply. Demand can also play a role, an even greater and more efficient one in the ultimate analysis.

It would be foolish to propose a complete renunciation of the industrial comfort of the exosomatic evolution. Mankind will not return to the cave or, rather, to the tree. But there are a few points that may be included in a minimal bioeconomic program.

First, the production of all instruments of war, not only of war itself, should be prohibited completely. It is utterly absurd (and also hypocritical) to continue growing tobacco if, avowedly, no one intends to smoke. The nations which are so developed as to be the main producers of armaments should be able to reach a consensus over this prohibition without any difficulty if, as they claim, they also possess the wisdom to lead mankind. Discontinuing the production of all instruments of war will not only do away at least with the mass killings by ingenious weapons but will also release some tremendous productive forces for international aid without lowering the standard of living in the corresponding countries.

Second, through the use of these productive forces as well as by additional well-planned and sincerely intended measures, the underdeveloped nations must be aided to arrive as quickly as possible at a good (not luxurious) life. Both ends of the spectrum must effectively participate in the efforts required by this transformation and accept the necessity of a radical change in their polarized outlooks on life. {27}

Third, mankind should gradually lower its population to a level that could be adequately fed only by organic agriculture. {28} Naturally, the nations now experiencing a very high demographic growth will have to strive hard for the most rapid possible results in that direction.

Fourth, until either the direct use of solar energy becomes a general convenience or controlled fusion is achieved, all waste of energy - by overheating, overcooling, overspeeding, overlighting, et cetera - should be carefully avoided, and if necessary, strictly regulated.

Fifth, we must cure ourselves of the morbid craving for extravagant gadgetry, splendidly illustrated by such a contradictory item as the golf cart, and for such mammoth splendors as two-garage cars. Once we do so, manufacturers will have to stop manufacturing such "commodities".

Sixth, we must also get rid of fashion, of "that disease of the human mind", as Abbot Fernando Galliani characterized it in his celebrated Della moneta (1750). It is indeed a disease of the mind to throw away a coat or a piece of furniture while it can still perform its specific service. To get a "new" car every year and to refashion the house every other is a bioeconomic crime. Other writers have already proposed that goods be manufactured in such a way as to be more durable [for example, 43, p 146]. But it is even more important that consumers should reeducate themselves to despise fashion. Manufacturers will then have to focus on durability.

Seventh, and closely related to the preceding point, is the necessity that durable goods be made still more durable by being designed so as to be repairable. (To put it in a plastic analogy, in many cases nowadays, we have to throw away a pair of shoes merely because one lace has broken.)

Eighth, in a compelling harmony with all the above thoughts we should cure ourselves of what I have been calling "the circumdrome of the shaving machine", which is to shave oneself faster so as to have more time to work on a machine that shaves faster so as to have more time to work on a machine that shaves still faster, and so on ad infinitum. This change will call for a great deal of recanting on the part of all those professions which have lured man into this empty infinite regress. We must come to realize that an important prerequisite for a good life is a substantial amount of leisure spent in an intelligent manner.

Considered on paper, in the abstract, the foregoing recommendations would on the whole seem reasonable to anyone willing to examine the logic on which they rest. But one thought has persisted in my mind ever since I became interested in the entropic nature of the economic process. Will mankind listen to any program that implies a constriction of its addiction to exosomatic comfort? Perhaps the destiny of man is to have a short but fiery, exciting, and extravagant life rather than a long, uneventful, and vegetative existence. Let other species - the amoebas, for example - which have no spiritual ambitions inherit an earth still bathed in plenty of sunshine.


Notes

{1} A specific suggestion implying entropy bootlegging is Harry Johnson's: it envisages the possibility of reconstituting the stores of coal and oil "with enough ingenuity" [49, p 8]. And if he means with enough energy as well, why should one wish to lose a great part of that energy through the transformation?

{2} How incredibly resilient is the myth of energy breeding is evidenced by the very recent statement of Roger Revelle [70, p 169] that "farming can be thought of as a kind of breeder reactor in which much more energy is produced than consumed". Ignorance of the main laws governing energy is widespread indeed.

{3} Marxist economists also are part of this chorus. A Romanian review of [32], for example, objected that we have barely scratched the surface of the earth.

4} To recall the famous old French quatrain: "Seigneur de La Palice / fell in the battle for Pavia. / A quarter of an hour before his death / he was still alive." (My translation.) See Grand Dictionnaire Universel du XIX~ Siecle, vol 10, p 179.

{5} Even some natural scientists, for example, [1], have taken this position. Curiously, the historical fact that some civilizations were unable "to think up something" is brushed aside with the remark that they were "relatively isolated" [13, p 6]. But is not mankind, too, a community completely isolated from any external cultural diffusion and one, also, which is unable to migrate?

{6} Similar arguments can be found in [4, pp 338f; 59, p 102; 74, p 45]. Interestingly, Kaysen [51, p 661] and Solow [74, p 43], while recognizing the finitude of mankind's entropic dowry, pooh-pooh the fact because it does not "lead to any very interesting conclusions". Economists, of all students, should know that the finite, not the infinite, poses extremely interesting questions. The present paper hopes to offer proof of this.

{7} Even in this most cited case, substitution has not been as successful in every direction as we have generally believed. Recently, it has been discovered that aluminum electrical cables constitute fire hazards.

{8} The pearl on this issue, however, is supplied by Maddox [59, p 104]: "Just as prosperity in countries now advanced has been accompanied by an actual decrease in the consumption of bread, so it is to be expected that affluence will make societies less dependent on metals such as steel".

{9} The point refers to the addition of capital (measured in money terms) and labor (measured in workers employed) as well as the computation of net output (by subtraction) from physical gross output [3, pp 167f].

{10} For these distinctions, see [27, pp 512-519; 30, p 4; 32, pp 223-225].

{11} See the dialogue between Preston Cloud and Roger Revelle quoted in [66, p 416]. The same refrain runs through Maddox's complaint against those who point out mankind's limitations [59, pp vi, 138, 280]. In relation to Maddox's chapter, "Manmade Men", see [32, pp 348-359].

{12} Joseph J Spengler, a recognized authority in this broad domain, tells me that indeed he knows of no one who may have made the observation. For some very penetrating discussions of Malthus and of the present population pressure, see [76; 77]

{13} The substance of the argument of The Limits beyond that of Mill's is borrowed from Boulding and Daly [8; 9; 20; 21].

{14} In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, for example, the point is mentioned only in passing.

{15} Obviously, any increase in si will generally result in a decrease of L and of n. Also, the carrying capacity in any year may be increased by a greater use of terrestrial resources. These elementary points should be retained for further use ...

{16} The point recalls Boulding's idea that the inflow from nature into the economic process, which he calls "throughput", is "something to be minimized rather than maximized" and that we should pass from an economy of flow to one of stock [8, pp 9f; 9, pp 359f]. The idea is more striking than enlightening. True, economists suffer from a flow complex [29; 55; 88]; also, they have little realized that the proper analytical description of a process must include both flows and funds [30; 32, pp 219f, 228-234]. Entrepreneurs, as far as Boulding's idea is concerned, have at all times aimed at minimizing the flow necessary to maintain their capital funds. If the present inflow from nature is incommensurate with the safety of our species, it is only because the population is too large and part of it enjoys excessive comfort. Economic decisions will always forcibly involve both flows and stocks. Is it not true that mankind's problem is to economize S (a stock) for as large an amount of life as possible, which implies to minimize sj (a flow) for some "good life"?

{17} I saw this term used for the first time in a letter from Jiri Zeman.

{18} The practice of slavery, in the past, and the possible procurement, in the future, of organs for transplant are phenomena akin to the exosomatic evolution.

{19} A fact greatly misunderstood: Ricardian land has economic value for the same reason as a fisherman's net. Ricardian land catches the most valuable energy, roughly in proportion to its total size [27, p 508; 32, p 232].

{20} The figures used in this section have been calculated from the data of Daniels [22] and Hubbert [46]. Such data, especially those about reserves, vary from author to author but not to the extent that really matters. However, the assertion that "the vast oil shales which are to be found all over the world [would last] for no less than 40,000 years" [59, p 99] is sheer fantasy.

{21} In an answer to critics (American Scientist 58, no 6, p 610), the same authors prove, again linearly, that the agro-industrial complexes of the grand plan could easily feed such a population.

{22} For a recent discussion of the social impact of industrial growth, in general, and of the social problems growing out of a large-scale use of nuclear energy, in particular, see [78], a monograph by Harold and Margaret Sprout, pioneers in this field.

{23} One percent only of the deuterium in the oceans would provide 108 Q through that reaction, an amount amply sufficient for some hundred millions of years of very high industrial comfort. The reaction deuterium-tritium stands a better chance of success because it requires a lower temperature. But since it involves lithium 6, which exists in small supply, it would yield only about 200 Q in all.

{24} It should be of interest to know that during World War II in Sweden, for one, automobiles were driven with the poor gas obtained by heating charcoal with kindlings in a container serving as a tank!

{25} [Editors' note: Georgescu-Roegen's more recent writings are less sanguine about the prospects for direct use of solar energy. See his "Energy Analysis and Economic Valuation", Southern Economic Journal, April 1979.]

{26} One necessary qualification: even the use of solar energy may disturb the climate if the energy is released in another place than where collected. The same is true for a difference in time, but this case is unlikely to have any practical importance.

{27} At the Dai Dong Conference (Stockholm, 1972), I suggested the adoption of a measure which seems to me to be applicable with much less difficulty than dealing with installations of all sorts. My suggestion, instead, was to allow people to move freely from any country to any other country whatsover. Its reception was less than lukewarm. See [2, p 72].

{28} To avoid any misinterpretation, I should add that the present fad for organic foods has nothing to do with this proposal ...


References

[1] Abelson, Philip H. "Limits to Growth." Science, 17 March 1972, p 1197.

[2] Artin, Tom. Earth Talk: Independent Voices on the Environment. New York: Grossman, 1973.

[3] Barnett, Harold J., and Chandler Morse. Scarcity and Growth. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963.

[4] Beckerman, Wilfred. "Economists, Scientists, and Environmental Catastrophe.'' Oxford Economic Papers (November 1972), 327-344.

[5] Blin-Stoyle, R. J. "The End of Mechanistic Philosophy and the Rise of Field Physics." In Turning Points in Physics, edited by R. J. Blin-Stoyle et al. Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1959, pp 5-29.

[6] "A Blueprint for Survival." The Ecologist (January 1972), 1-43.

[7] Bormann, F. H. "Unlimited Growth: Growing, Growing, Gone?" BioScience (December 1972), 706-709.

[8] Boulding, Kenneth. "The Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth." In Environmental Quality in a Growing Economy, edited by Henry Jarrett. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966, pp 3-14.

[9] Boulding, Kenneth. "Environment and Economics.' In [66], pp 359-367.

[10] Bray, Jeremy. The Politics of the Environment, Fabian Tract 412. London: Fabian Society, 1972.

[11] Bridgman, P. W. "Statistical Mechanics and the Second Law of Thermodynamics." In Reflections of a Physicist, 2d ed. New York: Philosophical Library, 1955, pp 236-268.

[12] Brown, Harrison. "Human Materials Production as a Process in the Biosphere." Scientific American (September 1970), 195-208.

[13] Brown, Lester R., and Gail Finsterbusch. "Man, Food and Environment." In [66], pp 53-69.

[14] Cannon, James. "Steel: The Recydable Material." Environment (November 1973), 11-20.

[15] Cloud, Preston, ed. Resources and Man. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1969.

[16] Cloud, Preston. "Resources, Population, and Quality of Life.' In Is There an Optimum Level of Population?, edited by S. F. Singer. New York: McGrawHill, 1971, pp 8-31.

[17] Cloud, Preston. "Mineral Resources in Fact and Fancy." In [66], pp 7188.

[18] Commoner, Barry. The Closing Circle. New York: Knopf, 1971.

[19] Culbertson, John M. Economic Development: An Ecological Approach. New York: Knopf, 1971.

[20] Daly, Herman E. "Toward a Stationary-State Economy. " In Patient Earth, edited by J. Harte and R. Socolow. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971, pp 226-244.

[21] Daly, Herman E. The Stationary-State Economy. Distinguished Lecture Series no. 2, Department of Economics, University of Alabama, 1971.

[22] Daniels, Fartington. Direct Use of the Sun's Energy. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964.

[23] Einstein, Albert, and Leopold Infeld. The Evolution of Physics. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1938.

[24] "The Fragile Climate of Spaceship Earth." Intellectual Digest (March 1972), 78-80.

[25] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "The Theory of Choice and the Constancy of Economic Laws." Quarterly Journal of Economics (February 1950), 125-138. Reprinted in [29], pp 171-183.

[26] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "Toward a Partial Redirection of Econometrics", Part III. Review of Economics and Statistics 34 (August 1952), 206211.

[27] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "Process in Farming versus Process in Manufacturing: A Problem of Balanced Development." In Economic Problems of Agriculture in Industrial Societies, edited by Ugo Papi and Charles Nunn. London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's Press, 1969, pp 497-528.

[28] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "Further Thoughts on Corrado Gini's Dellusioni dell' econometria." Metron 25, no. 104 (1966), 265--279.

[29] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. Analytical Economics: Issues and Problems. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966.

[30] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "The Economics of Production." American Economic Review 40 (May 1970), 1-9.

[31] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "The Entropy Law and the Economic Problem." Distinguished Lecture Series no. 1, Department of Economics, University of Alabama, 1971. Reprinted in this volume.

[32] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. The Entropy Law and the Economic Process. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971.

[33] Georgescu-Roegen, Nicholas. "Process Analysis and the Neoclassical Theory of Production." American Journal of Agricultural Economics 54 (May 1972), 279-294.

[34] Gillette, Robert. "The Limits to Growth: Hard Sell for a Computer View of Doomsday." Science, 10 March 1972, pp 1088-1092.

[35] Gillette, Robert. "Nuclear Safety: Damaged Fuel Ignites a New Debate in AEC. " Science, 28 July 1972, pp 330-331.

[36] Gillette, Robert. "Reactor Safety: AEC Concedes Some Points to Its Critics." Science, 3 November 1972, pp 482-484.

[37] Glaser, Peter E. "Power from the Sun: Its Future." Science, 22 November 1968, pp 857-861.

[38] Goeller, H. E. "The Ultimate Mineral Resource Situation." Proceedings of the National Academy of Science, USA (October 1972), 2991-2992.

[39] Gofman, John W. "Time for a Moratorium." Environmental Action (November 1972), 11-15.

[40] Haar, D. ter. "The Quantum Nature of Matter and Radiation." In Turning Points in Physics, edited by R. J. Blin-Stoyle et al. (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1959), pp 30--44.

[41] Hammond, Allen L. "Solar Energy: A Feasible Source of Power?" Science, 14 May 1971, p 660.

[42] Hardin, Garrett. "The Tragedy of the Commons." Science, 13 December 1968, pp 1234-1248.

[43] Hibbard, Walter R., Jr. "Mineral Resources: Challenge or Threat?" Science, 12 April 1968, pp 143-145.

[44] Holdren, John, and Philip Herera. Energy. San Francisco: Sierra Club, 1971.

[45] Hotelling, Harold. "The Economics of Exhaustible Resources." Journal of Political Economy (March-April 1931), 137-175.

[46] Hubbert, M. King. "Energy Resources." In [15], pp 157-242.

[47] Istock, Conrad A. "Modem Environmental Deterioration as a Natural Process." International Journal of Environmental Studies (1971), 151-155.

[48] Jevons, W. Stanley. The Theory of Political Economy, 2d ed. London: Macmillan, 1879.

[49] Johnson, Harry G. Man and His Environment. London: The British-North American Committee, 1973.

[50] Katchalsky, A., and Peter F. Curran. Nonequilibrium Thermodynamics in Biophysics. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965.

[51] Kaysen, Carl. "The Computer That Printed Out W*O*L*F*." Foreign Affairs (July 1972), 660-668.

[52] Kneese, Allen, and Ronald Ridker. "Predicament of Mankind." Washington Post, 2 March 1972.

[53] Laplace, Pierre Simon de. A Philosophical Essay on Probability. New York: Wiley, 1902.

[54] Leontief, Wassily. "Theoretical Assumptions and Nonobservable Facts." American Economic Review (March 1971), 1-7.

[55] "Limits to Misconception." The Economist, 11 March 1972, pp 20-22.

[56] Lovering, Thomas S. "Mineral Resources from the Land." In [15], pp 109-134.

[57] MacDonald, Gordon J. F. "Pollution, Weather and Climate." In [66], pp 326-336.

[58] Maddox, John. "Raw Materials and the Price Mechanism." Nature, 14 April 1972, pp 331-334.

[59] Maddox, John. The Doomsday Syndrome. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1972.

[60] Marshall, Alfred. Principles of Economics, 8th ed. London: Macmillan, 1920.

[61] Marx, Karl. Capital. 3 vols. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1906-1933.

[62] Meadows, Donella H., et al. The Limits to Growth. New York: Universe Books, 1972.

[63] Metz, William D. "Fusion: Princeton Tokamak Proves a Principle." Science, 22 December 1972, p 1274B.

[64] Mill, John Stuart. Principles of Political Economy. In Collected Works, edited by J. M. Robson, vols. 2-3. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965.

[65] Mishan, E. J. Technology and Growth: The Price We Pay. New York: Praeger, 1970.

[66] Murdoch, William W., ed. Environment: Resources, Pollution and Society. Stamford, Conn.: Sinauer, 1971.

[67] Novick, Sheldon. "Nuclear Breeders." Environment (July-August 1974), 6-15.

[68] Pigou, A. C. The Economics of Stationary States. London: Macmillan, 1935.

[69] Report on Limits to Growth. Mimeographed. A Study of the Staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Washington, D.C., 1972.

[70] Revelle, Roger. "Food and Population." Scientific American (September 1974), 161-170.

[71] Schrodinger, Erwin. What Is Life? Cambridge, England: The University Press, 1944.

[72] Silk, Leonard. "On the Imminence of Disaster" New York Times, 14 March 1972.

[73] Solo, Robert A. "Arithmomorphism and Entropy." Economic Development and Cultural Change (April 1974), 510-517.

[74] Solow, Robert M. "Is the End of the World at Hand?" Challenge (MarchApril 1973), 39-50.

[75] Solow, Robert M. "The Economics of Resources or the Resources of Economics." Richard T. Ely Lecture, American Economic Review (May 1974), 1-14.

[76] Spengler, Joseph J. "Was Malthus Right?" Southern Economic Journal (July 1966), 17--34.

[77] Spengler, Joseph J. "Homosphere, Seen and Unseen: Retreat from Atomism. " Proceedings of the Nineteenth Southern Water Resources and Pollution Control Conference, 1970, pp 7-16.

[78] Sprout, Harold, and Margaret Sprout. Multiple Vulnerabilities. Mimeographed. Research Monograph No. 40, Center of International Studies, Princeton University, 1974.

[79] Summers, Claude M. "The Conversion of Energy." Scientific American (September 1971), 149-160.

[80] Wallich, Henry C. "How to Live with Economic Growth." Fortune (October 1972), 115-122.

[81] Weinberg, Alvin M. "Breeder Reactors." Scientific American (January 1960), 82-94.

[82] Weinberg, Alvin M. "Social Institutions and Nuclear Energy." Science, 7 July 1972, pp 27-34.

[83] Weinberg, Alvin M., and R. Philip Hammond. "Limits to the Use of Energy." American Scientist (July-August 1970), 412--418.

http://dieoff.org/page148.htm


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Monday, November 07, 2005

Time magazine finally covers peak oil

by Shepherd Bliss

Energy Bulletin (November 03 2005)



Time magazine became the most recent mainstream publication to finally give detailed coverage to Peak Oil. Its October 31 twelve-page spread on "The Future of Energy" follows major articles in USA Today, New York Times, Wall Street Journal, San Francisco Chronicle and other big-city dailies in recent months. They finally mention the coming Peak Oil that geologists have been warning us about for years.

Such articles appear after two major ground-breaking cover articles by National Geographic, the first in the summer of 2004. The October Esquire offered a two-page "Five Minute Guide: Oil", which begins with the question "What's 'peak oil'?"

Time's lead article "How to Kick the Oil Habit" by Michael D Lemonick runs four illustrated pages. Its only highlighted quotation is from Richard Heinberg, author of The Party's Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial Society (New Society Publishers 2004): "Price signals come much too late, and we will endure a tremendous amount of hardship that could have been averted if we'd acted sooner". The article's sub-head recommends that people "get ready for the withdrawal symptoms".

In his two recent books on energy descent and in public speaking in the US, Europe, Africa, and Latin America Heinberg has revealed how rising gasoline prices indicate the deeper and potentially devastating reality that the globe is running out of the petroleum that fuels contemporary societies.

Three major news events apparently stimulated the Time articles: (1) gasoline prices that "are roughly 25% higher than they were a year ago", (2) "last week ('s) 2005 Tokyo Motor Show", where "carmakers practically ran over one another promoting their versions (of hybrid cars) in attempts to catch up with Honda and Toyota", and (3) Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Time notes, "A hurricane like Katrina or Rita or last year's Ivan could trigger a shortage by putting even a few of the remaining US-based refineries out of business for a few weeks".

Time quotes oil optimist Daniel Yergin-author of The Prize (Simon & Schuster, 1991) and chairman of the Cambridge Energy Research Associates-as saying, "There's a lot of technological innovation kind of bubbling that really has captured the imagination and obsession of a lot of people." But Time writer Lemonick wonders, "Are we moving fast enough?"

Energy investment banker Matthew Simmons responds to Yergin's familiar argument that this is the fifth or sixth time that the world has run out of oil. The author and skeptic that Saudia Arabia has the petroleum reserves that it claims argues, "This is a shortage where demand actually exceeds supply. A confluence of trends has made oil shortages inevitable, not optional. One is the unexpectedly rapid expansion of India's and China's energy needs."

Amory Lovins, director of the Rocky Mountain Institute, adds, according to Time, that "oil companies, worried that these changes could leave them behind, are starting to think of themselves instead as broad-based energy companies". Lovins says that "Shell and BP are already headed in that direction". Shell has apparently become the largest seller of biofuels and is buying up solar panels.

Time's spread, in fact, includes two familiar full-page BP ads, where the former British Petroleum corporation has re-positioned itself as "Beyond Petroleum". These ads reveal the interlock of today's mainstream media profiting from its promotion of such corporations. By placing the ads next to its allegedly objective news stories, Time mixes advertising and news, which journalism students are taught should have a "firewall" between them.

One BP ad advocates that "It's Time To Go on a Low-Carbon Diet". This ad advances natural gas, solar, and hydrogen as the appropriate substitutes for oil. The other ad highlights the assertion that "Natural gas is the clean bridge to renewable energy", noting that "Today natural gas accounts for about forty percent of BP's global production". One could almost think that BP is earth-friendly, rather than profit-oriented.

Yet various authors concerned with energy decline have documented how the combined energy from the proposed replacements for today's cheap oil will not provide nearly the abundant energy that petroleum offers. Julian Darley of the Post Carbon Institute, for example, wrote the book High Noon for Natural Gas: The New Energy Crisis (Chelsea Green, 2004). It "looks at the coming shortage of natural gas in North America".

In both The Party's Over and Powerdown: Options and Actions for a Post-Carbon World (New Society Publishers, 2004) Heinberg refutes BP's claim that natural gas, solar, and hydrogen will be able to provide the extensive energy that petroleum currently does, even when combined with other energy sources. Demands for an increased use of the highly-polluting and climate-changing coal and for more use of the dangerous and expensive nuclear power are beginning to heighten.

Two separate, contrasting half-page viewpoints appear in Time: "It's the End of Oil" by retired Princeton professor Kenneth Deffeyes and "Oil is Here to Stay" by Peter Huber, co-author of the new book The Bottomless Well.

"World oil production is about to reach a peak and go into its final decline", scientist Deffeyes contends. "The 'Peak Oil' theory fits nicely on a cocktail napkin", counters the dismissive Huber. "Nonsense. Technology and politics - not geology - determine how much we pump and what it costs."

Huber contends that ample oil can be extracted by drilling in Alaska and off the shores of California and Florida, as well as in the tar sands of Canada and Venezuela. Demands for such drilling - in spite of their extensive environmental damage to the Earth and contributions to global warming - are already increasing as the oil supply decreases, while the demand for oil products heightens.

"It may be that the developments are coming too late to allow a smooth transition to the postpetroleum era", Time writer Lemonick notes in his paragraph introducing Heinberg's ideas. Heinberg contends that "all these things need an enormous lead time". Lemonick concludes, "As consumers, we need time to make adjustments - often very expensive ones - to the new technologies".

Well-illustrated and helpful articles on "How Green Can We Get?", "Seven Cool New Ideas", and "How to Save $$$ Now" complete the Time coverage. Time reports how people can "save your green by going green". It adds its voice to the chorus recommending that people slow down their cars, downgrade from premium gas, tune up and go hybrid.

During the same week of Time's coverage Big Oil reported its highest quarterly earnings ever and the highest profits of any corporation in history. The combined profits of ExxonMobil, Shell and Chevron for the third quarter were $29 billion. ExxonMobil profits are up 79% and Shell's are up 68% from last year. ExxonMobil's third quarter net income alone is enough to cover all Social Security benefit payments for three months or to fund military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan for more than two months. Perhaps there is a relationship between Big Oil and those wars? ExxonMobil sales for this quarter are already over $100 billion - the highest in corporate history.

ConocoPhillips, the nation's third largest integrated oil and gas company, reported third-quarter profits surged 89%. This is in spite of hurricanes ravaging the heart of the nation's oil industry in the Gulf Coast. Big Oil seems to profit from even disasters and turn them into opportunities.

Yet Big Oil cried poverty last summer and its congressional allies added billions in tax breaks to its energy bill, not for customers, but for corporations. Now even Republicans in Congress are considering measures to respond to the public's increasing criticism of Big Oil at a time when parts of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Florida are still reeling from recent hurricanes.

Representatives of the industry's American Petroleum Institute keep assuring Congress and the public that prices will return to pre-hurricane levels. Peak Oil theorists doubt that this will happen, contending that prices will continue to go mainly up, as they bounce around in the increasingly unstable energy industry.

Heinberg's next appearances on Peak Oil include speaking on November 5 at San Francisco's Green Festival, where around 25,000 people are expected to hear over 100 speakers on environmental issues at the two-day annual event. Heinberg and eco-philosopher Joanna Macy will speak for an hour. Half a dozen other speakers will address Peak Oil during the weekend, including activists from tiny Willits in Northern California, who advocate "re-localization" as the solution to energy descent.

Heinberg has also been invited to be one of four speakers (including Charles, the Prince of Wales, who will deliver the keynote address) at a by-invitation-only meeting in San Francisco in early November. Other invited participants include oil industry executives as well as other prominent business and government leaders.


Dr Shepherd Bliss, sb3@pon.net, has been a professor of Communication for the last two years at the University of Hawaii at Hilo. He is currently moving to a farm in Sonoma County, Northern California, mainly because of Peak Oil and how it will probably strand the isolated, oil-dependent Hawaiian islands.


RELATED NEWS:

Crude Awakening: the end of cheap oil ...
http://www.energybulletin.net/7382.html

Was Jimmy Carter right? ...
http://www.energybulletin.net/9657.html

How to avoid oil wars, terrorism, and economic collapse ...
http://www.energybulletin.net/7552.html

Doubts raised on Saudi vow for more oil ...
http://www.energybulletin.net/10207.html

Dr Doom? ...
http://www.energybulletin.net/9406.html

Simmons and Kunstler speak in Dallas...
http://www.energybulletin.net/10346.html

Peak freaks: a report on three PO gatherings...
http://www.energybulletin.net/10413.html

US foreign policy, petroleum and the Middle East...
http://www.energybulletin.net/10377.html


http://www.energybulletin.net/10329.html


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/index.html

Sunday, November 06, 2005

Ambushed: Why America turned on Dubbya

This isn't just another Washington crisis; it is the worst calamity to befall a president since Watergate. An administration built on lies stands exposed as never before.

by Andrew Stephen

New Statesman Cover Story (November 10 2005)



We should not let recent events distract us too much. We have known for weeks that the right was deserting George W Bush and that his presidency was imploding (see New Statesman, 3 October). We have known for much longer that, having promised to bring "honour and integrity" to the White House, Bush would do anything but. Yet there are two questions we should now be asking: why did so many people, not least the US electorate and the British government, allow themselves to be misled for so long? And what happens now that the veil of falsehood has been ripped away?

For Bush, there is much more bad news to come, but in the meantime we can survey the ruins of a disastrous autumn. Not so long ago Americans viewed him as a president who would be strong in a national crisis; then came Hurricane Katrina. He still had a card to play as a decent man who was a dependable judge of character, but then he nominated his personal lawyer to the US Supreme Court and even his most devoted followers did not know whether to laugh or cry.

And no sooner had the pathetic Harriet Miers withdrawn her nomination and returned to being Bush's counsel at the White House than a federal prosecutor was telling the world that I Lewis "Scooter" Libby - a man chosen by Bush to be assistant to the US president and chief of staff as well as national security adviser to the vice-president - faced thirty years' imprisonment and fines of $1.25 million because he had been caught fabricating a web of lies that was - I am adding this bit, but the prosecutor might just as well have said it - designed to protect Bush and Dick Cheney from being exposed for having wilfully misled so many into war.

The same Harriet Miers had to issue an instruction that "all White House staffers should not have any contact with Scooter Libby", and with that the man described by Cheney as "one of the most capable and talented individuals I have ever known" was consigned to his lonely fate - and Bush and Cheney, for the time being at least, were left to blunder on into heaven-knows-what further darkness. Their choice on 31 October of a far-right alternative to Miers, Judge Samuel Alito, did little to dissipate the storm clouds.

It hardly matters now whether Karl Rove, the man at the heart of the Bush presidency, will be indicted too. I am told that the difference between Rove and Libby is that Rove's lawyers played matters more cleverly; that he sought a fourth chance to put evidence before the grand jury investigating leaks and took the opportunity to admit he had previously "misspoken" to them, the Washington euphemism for "lied". For now, he remains at Bush's side.

It is Rove, better than anybody else, who can explain the extraordinary readiness to mislead - and the readiness of others to be misled - that made the presidency of George W Bush possible in the first place, and which now, exposed, so weakens it. Its cause is power, and the way it attracts people and governments like moths to a flame. The people around Bush, some of whom I know personally to be decent and honourable, have come to believe they have a higher calling than truth and integrity. And so, like Libby, they lie. Governments, whether led by a Blair or a Berlusconi, might be in a position to know better - but when faced with a choice between righteous isolation and flattery from Washington, they go straight for the latter.

Let us go back to the genesis of the Iraq policy and the ensuing deceptions of Libby et al, which means recalling how Bush came to be in the position he is today. Fifteen or so years ago, some wealthy Texan Republicans came together, united by a cause. They wanted to find somebody who was politically malleable, who had a political blank slate, and whom they could place in the Texas governorship. And who better than George W Bush? He may have been a recovering alcoholic with no achievements to his name, but he had a name associated in the public mind with American style, power and dominance. A political consultant called Karl Rove was called in and he immediately set about savaging the reputation of Ann Richards, then the popular Democratic governor. A rumour that she was a closet lesbian started to permeate the state, her opinion poll ratings slipped and by the end of 1994 she had lost the governorship to George W Bush.

Fast-forward just five years and we find Mr Nobody aspiring, with Rove, to the most powerful office in the world, but his way threatened this time by an insurgent from the right called John McCain; again rumours spread through the Southern bible belt, this time that McCain had fathered a black child (again untrue: he and his wife had adopted a girl from Bangladesh).

We know the rest. Now Bush is 43rd president and surrounded by cleverer, darker souls such as Rove and Cheney. Cheney, America's most powerful vice-president by far, arrived in that office shaped by two defining eras in a career notable only for its amoral pragmatism: his time as defence secretary in the first Bush administration during the first Gulf war, and the five years he later spent in the oil business as boss of Halliburton.

Bush had convinced both himself and the electorate in 2000 that as president he would not be particularly interested in foreign policy. Indeed, he and Cheney came into office with little knowledge of international affairs other than that there existed, somewhere out there, an Arab thug who had thwarted both Bush's father and the oil business. They needed a simple foreign policy objective and what could be simpler than getting rid of that very thug, Saddam Hussein?

I remain convinced that this was how the tragedy of the Iraq war came about. The 11 September atrocities provided grist to the mill in enabling them to further define, albeit dishonestly, the Arab bad guy. And because the US is the supreme superpower and the presidency its epicentre, the rest of the country and the world - with some brave exceptions - went along with it.

Cheney busied himself with finding evidence that Saddam posed a threat to the US, even to the extent of taking an office for himself in CIA headquarters in Langley. Rove calculated how it could all be sold to the American public. Nothing and nobody - certainly not the truth - could get in the way.

"The British government", Bush said in his State of the Union address in 2003, "has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa". But by this time even the Bush administration itself knew this was untrue. A collective mindset that it was answerable only to itself, and not to reality, had set in. My friend Steve Hadley, then deputy national security adviser (and now promoted to the number one job) knew from State Department intelligence that what Bush claimed was, at best, highly dubious; but he overrode his own deep integrity to allow the phrase to go in. That flame of power can prove irresistible, even to the most decent of men.

This is how we arrive at the current debacle. The CIA had sent Joe Wilson, who had, in effect, been US ambassador in Baghdad before the first Iraq war, to check British claims that Saddam had tried to buy uranium yellow cake from Niger. In less than a fortnight he established that the British intelligence had come, in turn, from Italian intelligence, which had been duped by documents faked by a corrupt diplomat from Niger based in Rome.

It took courage to buck the tide. Between them, he as a diplomat and she as an undercover CIA agent, Wilson and his wife, Valerie Plame, have been in the service of the US government for 43 years - longer than Bush, Cheney, Libby, Rumsfeld and Rove (need I go on?) put together - and Wilson has even contributed to Bush campaigns.

In the same way that Richards and McCain found themselves in the way of the Bush bandwagon, so Wilson had to be squelched. Cheney's office - in the person of Libby - duly trashed him as a lightweight who only became involved because of the nepotism of his more powerful wife in the CIA. The fact that this outed her as a covert agent and ended her career with the fictitious Boston firm of Brewster-Jennings & Associates was neither here nor there; nor did it matter, apparently, whether the safety of any of her contacts around the world had been compromised.

But outing a covert agent is a criminal offence under the 1982 Intelligence Identities Protection Act, albeit one that is virtually impossible to prove. The indefatigable prosecutor, Patrick Fitzgerald - suddenly the pin-up boy of legions of Washington ladies - chose to pursue Libby and Rove (and, ultimately, Cheney) with the Capone approach: if you can't get them on the obvious crime, try others such as tax evasion, perjury or obstruction of justice. Thus did Fitzgerald hand the Bush administration the worst week faced by any US administration since Watergate - and, yes, I am including Bill Clinton's Lewinsky tribulations.

Not only was Libby arraigned on 31 October, charged with five felonies. The following day, Tom DeLay, hitherto leader of the Republicans in the House, appeared in a Texas court on conspiracy charges. Bill Frist, Republican leader in the Senate, is also mired in insider trading claims. And Rove, still invaluable to Bush, remains firmly in Fitzgerald's sights.

It will be hard, if not impossible, for Bush to recover. What was supposed to be the great initiative of his second term - "reforming" social security by privatising parts of it - lies dead in the water, abandoned by all but his most zealous supporters in Congress. His approval ratings are at an all-time low and Iraq continues to deteriorate - seven US soldiers were killed there over the last two days of October, bringing the total dead for the month to 93, and there are a record 157,000 US troops there.

The point about Bush, though, is that - contrary to his own myth-making - he has no moral compass. Even more than Clinton, he is driven by pragmatism. The disasters of Katrina and Miers unleashed the mounting dissatisfaction on the right, so he appeased them by nominating Alito - a judge who once ruled that a woman must notify her husband before she has an abortion, and who is against restricting ownership of machine guns. Alito's confirmation hearings will be "Armageddon", says Senator Orrin Hatch, Republican chairman of the judiciary committee.

Bush enjoys a largely pliant press - "Bush looks to bounce back from bad news", reported the Associated Press on 31 October - and, in the three years that lie ahead, the mainstream media will continue to be drawn to the seductive flame of power. For the same reason, cabinet members will stay loyal, in public at least. The sense in Washington, however, is that a scandal, either personal or political, could yet swamp this presidency. It is a measure of how weakened Bush is, and of the corrosive character of his own tactics, that he is now a victim of the rumour mill - the suggestion is that he is drinking again. Unlike Britain, however, this country has a constitution, so the odds are that George W Bush will limp from office on 20 January 2009, perhaps remembered as the worst president in the history of the United States.

Copyright New Statesman 1913 - 2005

http://www.newstatesman.co.uk/nscoverstory.htm

http://www.newstatesman.com/200511070006

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/

Saturday, November 05, 2005

Hurricane Exposes a Nation's Poverty

by Bill Totten

Nihonkai Shimbun and Osaka Nichinichi Shimbun


(October 13 2005)

(I've written a weekly column for two Japanese newspapers for the past three years. Patrick Heaton prepared this English version from the Japanese original.)

When reading about the recent hurricanes, I noticed an article that to my knowledge was not taken up by Japan's mainstream media. The article compared the consequences of the recent hurricane Katrina that struck the US Gulf coast with earlier hurricanes that hit Cuba.

In September 2004, Hurricane Ivan hit several Caribbean islands, including Grenada, Jamaica, and Cuba. With a wind-speed of 160 miles per hour, it was the biggest hurricane in that area of the Caribbean in fifty years. Before Ivan reached Cuba, a warning had been issued and over 15,000,000 people in the path of the hurricane were evacuated to high ground. Even though 20,000 homes were destroyed in the hurricane, not a single life was lost. There was no looting, no violence, and no martial law declared, as happened in New Orleans.

The difference between Cuba and America probably lies in the fact that Cuba does not have the disparity of wealth that is becoming more prominent in the United States.

According to United States census figures, the poverty rate in the US in 2004 was 12.7 percent, meaning that 37,000,000 people live under the poverty line. During the last four years of the Bush administration, the poverty rate has jumped by about 5,900,000 individuals. The percentage of Americans without health insurance is now at 15.7 percent, or about 45,800,000 people. This number reflects an increase of 800,000 people over last year.

Mississippi and Louisiana, the states most affected by Hurricane Katrina, are among the ten states with the worst poverty rates in the country. Moreover, the areas of those states receiving the most damage were the areas where the poorest strata of society lived. As we've come to expect from the huge conglomerate-owned US media, rather than focusing on the tragedy of the terrible losses suffered by those already at the bottom of the social hierarchy, US media reporting focused on a few African-Americans who resorted to looting during the chaos.

In contrast to America's chaotic emergency system, Cuba has implemented a disaster warning system with detailed planning, including clear directions about who should help out when local residents must evacuate an area. Cuban doctors are assigned to evacuation shelters near the disaster area. Critical information, such as which citizens in the shelters will need insulin, is distributed to the doctors beforehand. Importantly, just before the hurricane hits, Cuban doctors do not drive away to distant hotels to save themselves; they evacuate to pre-prepared shelters with all other citizens.


Idolizing Everything American

Although individuals can do very little in the face of natural disasters such as earthquakes and hurricanes, for Japan the examples of America and Cuba are instructive. Should Japan, a land of natural disasters, choose the American free-market model that leads to a large number of deaths when disasters occur? Or should we choose a system more like that of Cuba, which takes care of all its citizens? Impressively, Cuba has repeatedly demonstrated it is able to care for itself during disasters - even while under economic blockade by the United States for the last fifty years.

It wasn't that long ago that Japanese, like Cubans, collectively believed they were in the same boat with their fellow citizens who shared traditions and enduring cultural patterns. Japanese towns shared many similarities; market streets lay in close proximity to train stations, and residential areas fanned out from there. A wide variety of merchants lived in similar-looking housing in their neighborhoods. Even within higher-class residential areas people greeted each other. There were no gated communities like those seen increasingly in the US. Agricultural peoples have always used communal water supplies, watched over each other's fields, and helped each other during autumn harvests.

Westerners might say this description of community sounds quaint. But what is wrong with this goal of community? During typhoons and earthquakes the desire to help others besides your own family, especially the elderly and disadvantaged, is not a cultural practice that can be instituted in a day or two. I think previous generations used to be instilled with a sense of mutual help and protection because they watched their parents and grandparents. Nowdays Japanese often denigrate their traditions with labels like "insularity" and praise everything coming out of America. But the reality is that by unquestionably worshipping everything American, they are overlooking the good aspects of their own traditions while being blind to the awful parts of America.


America's Mantra: Don't waste money on the defenseless

Hurricane Katrina exposed how some in America's powerful wealthy class manipulate US politicians for their own gains. They do not want to use tax money to support average citizens. This is why they strive to minimize social investment. The wealthy have money and believe they can protect themselves without the help of government. They also believe that other people should protect themselves. That is why they see no need for infrastructure such as mass transportation.

They seek to privatize as much as possible, limiting social investment and public funding helpful to the growing underclass. For example, they advocate cutting funding for public education because they can afford to send their children to private schools and don't want their tax money used for public schools. They want to eliminate or minimize public-funding for Medicare benefits, which they don't need because they can afford membership in private health care organizations. They also want to decrease the number of policemen because they can afford to hire private guards for their properties, thus obviating the need for publicly-funded policemen.

The attitude of the wealthy in the US seems to be that anyone who cannot afford to pay for whatever is needed deserves the problems he or she gets. This could be seen with the hurricane Katrina debacle. Once the government issued the evacuation order, it was assumed that all residents could afford to get out of the area. No provisions were made for people too poor to secure transportation. When these people died or lost everything, they were thought to have deserved the misery they suffered because they could not take responsibility for themselves.

As if this situation isn't enough, the Bush administration is now scheming to have its cronies profit further through the suffering of the hurricane victims by granting corporations like Halliburton no-bid contracts to rebuild the area.

Underlying these schemes are the concepts of eliminating government services, increased privatization and greater individual responsibility. They should sound familiar: Prime minister Koizumi, aping America's failures and worst tendencies, is dragging Japan down the same path that America's elites have taken. Do we really want to duplicate in Japan the same consequences of disparity of income and wealth that are happening in the US? Isn't it about time to rethink the idolatry of the "American Way"?

Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/

Friday, November 04, 2005

Awakening America

Before It's Too Late

by David Krieger

CommonDreams.org (October 21 2005)


"The shaft of the arrow had been feathered with one of the eagle's own plumes. We often give our enemies the means of our own destruction." (Aesop's Fables)


America has been warned in every conceivable fashion that its nuclear weapons will bring it to a bad end.

It was warned by scientists on its own atomic bomb project, even before it bombed Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and it was warned by the destruction of those cities.

It was warned by Mahatma Gandhi that it was too early to see what nuclear weapons would do the soul of the attacking nation.

It was warned by Albert Einstein that we must change our modes of thinking or face "unparalleled catastrophe".

It has been warned by Nobel Laureates, by generals and admirals, by small countries and large ones.

It was warned by Bertrand Russell, J Robert Oppenheimer and Linus Pauling.

It was warned by the Cuban missile crisis, and by other near disasters.

It was warned by the survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that human beings and nuclear weapons cannot co-exist.

It has been warned by religious leaders that nuclear weapons jeopardize creation.

It was warned by head of the US Strategic Command, General Lee Butler, that "we cannot at once keep sacred the miracle of existence and hold sacrosanct the capacity to destroy it".

It was warned by the mayors of cities and by earnest citizen groups.

It was warned by drop drills, fall-out shelters and false alerts.

It has been warned and warned until the sirens should be screaming in the White House and in the halls of Congress.

But we live in a time of political leaders lacking a moral compass, of political leaders unable to change their thinking or to shed their hubris.

Since nuclear weapons are the most cowardly weapon ever created, we live in a time of leaders marked by a significant courage-deficit.

All signs suggest that we are headed toward disaster, toward a world in which America itself will be sacrificed at the altar of its hubris.

We have become too attached to our double standards, to a world of nuclear "haves" and "have-nots".

We spend on nuclear weapons and their delivery systems what it would cost to feed the world's hungry, shelter the world's homeless, care for the world's sick and infirm, and educate the world's children.

In our comfortable reliance on our military might, we have failed to grasp that nuclear weapons are a far more powerful tool in the hands of the weak than in the hands of the strong.

We have failed to grasp that America cannot afford to again use nuclear weapons, but extremist groups are eager to obtain these weapons and use them against us.

We have failed to grasp that there is no defense against nuclear weapons, as we throw money into missile defenses like a helpless giant.

America stands at increasing risk that its great cities will be destroyed by nuclear weapons.

Our cities, our economy and our pride will fall together.

When this happens, America will bellow and flail, flames will shoot from its nostrils, and the survivors will wonder how America was brought so low.

Looking back, some will remember with dismay the many, many warnings. Others will say that it was karma.

This is a glimpse into our future, yet another warning. The worst has not yet happened.

It is not too late for America to wake up, to fulfill its obligations for the total elimination of nuclear weapons, and to lead the world to a nuclear weapons-free planet.

It is late, but it is not too late. America may still wake up, and if it does it will be because people like all of us have not given up on America or on a human future.

It will be because ordinary Americans do not have the courage-deficit that our leaders have so readily and consistently displayed.

It will be because the voices of the people rise up and demand change and because we become the leaders we have been waiting for.


David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation http://www.wagingpeace.org and is the author of a recent book of peace poetry, Today Is Not a Good Day for War (Capra Press, 2005).

http://www.commondreams.org/cgi-bin/print.cgi?file=/views05/1021-26.htm


Today Is Not a Good Day for War

Today is not a good day for war,
Not when the sun is shining,
And leaves are trembling in the breeze.

Today is not a good day for bombs to fall,
Not when clouds hang on the horizon
And drift above the sea.

Today is not a good day for young men to die,
Not when they have so many dreams
And so much still to do.

Today is not a good day to send missiles flying,
Not when the fog rolls in
And the rain is falling hard.

Today is not a good day for launching attacks,
Not when families gather
And hold on to one another.

Today is not a good day for collateral damage,
Not when children are restless
Daydreaming of frogs and creeks.

Today is not a good day for war,
Not when birds are soaring,
Filling the sky with grace.

No matter what they tell us about the other,
Nor how bold their patriotic calls,
Today is not a good day for war.




War Is Too Easy

If politicians had to fight the wars
they would find another way.

Peace is not easy, they say.
It is war that is too easy -

too easy to turn a profit, too easy
to believe there is no choice,

too easy to sacrifice
someone else's children.

Someday it will not be this way.
Someday we will teach our children

that they must not kill,
that they must have the courage

to live peace, to stand firmly
for justice, to say no to war.

Until we teach our children peace,
each generation will have its wars,

will find its own ways
to believe in them.



More poems by David Krieger are at http://tarlton.law.utexas.edu/lpop/etext/lsf/28/krieger.html


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/

Thursday, November 03, 2005

When Will America Be Discovered?

Fourteenth and last chapter of Indian Givers: How the Indians of the Americas Transformed the World (Fawcett Books, 1988)

by Jack Weatherford



The old Yuqui woman jerked her head up toward me and stared blindly into my face. As flies crawled across her eyes and drank from the only moist place left on her body, her left hand scratched habitually at the lice and filth encrusted into her hair. No one knew her age, but she was the oldest survivor of a band of Yuquis living in the rain forest of the southern Amazon region. Most of her life she had wandered through the forest with her fellow Yuquis following the same culture as unknown generations had done before them. She had lived most of her life without knowledge of whites or other outsiders except that they lurked on the edges of her forest world. Like the evil spirits of the dead, the whites brought disease and death to the Yuquis, the real people.

Not until 1968 did her band make its first contact with a white, when the Protestant missionaries Bob and Mary Garland arrived in their world. In time the small band settled around the base camp of the missionaries on the Chimore River, and they wandered less and less to hunt. Anthropologist Allyn Stearman raced to record their way of life as it dissolved around her. The missionaries taught them to grow a few crops and helped them to hunt more efficiently and to use canoes. They taught them to make fire so that they would no longer have to raid another band each time their fire was lost, and they helped the women in childbirth rather than letting them disappear alone into the jungle to bear their babies as had been their tradition.

Had this woman not been contacted by the missionaries she most assuredly would have been dead long before I came across her. If the lumbermen had not captured or killed her in their periodic shootouts with the Yuquis, then perhaps the coca growers or the ranchers would have seized her in a raid and made her a cook and prostitute for the mestizo workers. Even if she had been spared all of these indignities from outsiders and managed to live alone with her band, the group would have deserted her along the trail as soon as she became too ill to travel. As nomads who traveled strictly by foot, they never developed the knowledge of how to deal with the infirm or elderly. Anyone unable to walk through the jungle was left to die alone.

Now she sits deserted all day beneath a mosquito net in her hut wrapped in a filthy rag of a dress. She lost her sight, her hearing deteriorated, and she grew too weak to walk or crawl. Gradually she became deranged and delirious. The missionaries feed her and care for her most basic needs, but her own relatives who live nearby have no idea what to do for her. In their harsh jungle life, they never had to minister to anyone like this.

When I appeared at her net with the missionary, her bony hand reached out, groping for food. She clutched my arm, and her jagged fingernails scratched my hand as her cool but dry skin rubbed against mine with a sound like sandpaper against bark. She mumbled a few words that were incoherent to me, but the missionary said she was just naming foods and uttering the names of relatives, some living and some dead. Finally in defeat, she withdrew her hand, her jaw dropped, oblivious to the gnats crawling in and out of her mouth, and she seemed to return to the stupor and the scratching that occupied most of her dying weeks.

There was nothing heroic about the poor old woman. She was now at the end of her days, and all she sought was another morsel of food, some water, and some relief from the heat and the insects that plagued her now as they had all her life. Like so many Indians today from Canada to Chile, she seemed to be the truly wretched of the earth, the abandoned, the abused, the suffering who merited nothing but pity or charity from outsiders. She lay dying as a miserable outcast from the contemporary American society that had gradually and persistently consumed her land over the past five hundred years.

This dying woman contrasted painfully with the image of the Indians as the world's greatest farmers and pharmacists, as the noble savage of Rousseau or the practical administrators who inspired Benjamin Franklin. I could not help but wonder why, if these people were really so great, they had fallen so low and been so oppressed. If they could build great cities and roads, why couldn't they defend themselves from the waves of Europeans who washed across their land?

Even though the Indian civilizations surpassed the Old World in a few areas, they lagged behind in others. The Indians developed superior agricultural skills and technology, and they surpassed the Old World in their pharmacology. They had far more sophisticated calendars than the Europeans, and the Indians of Mexico had a mathematical system based on place numbers superior to the numerical systems then in use by the Spaniards.

In their exhaustive attention to agriculture, medicine, mathematics, and religion, the Indians neglected the domestication of animals, which proved so decisive for the Old World civilizations. Because farmers in Europe, Asia, and Africa were so much less efficient in growing crops, they relied extensively on eggs, milk, cheese, and dozens of other animal products as well as on the meat of these animals. This made their Old World diet no better than that of the Americans, but it gave the people who domesticated animals a distinct advantage in that they easily learned to harness animal energy in place of human energy. The Europeans arrived in America with strong horses to help men in battle as well as oxen to pull heavy carts laden with supplies and cows and goats to give protein-rich milk to marching armies of soldiers and later to hordes of settlers.

The Indians built an elaborate civilization on human energy, but the Old World had thoroughly exploited animal energy sources that helped them in their endeavors. Additionally, the people of the Old World had begun tapping inanimate energy sources in ways that foreshadowed the coming industrial revolution. The sophisticated use of ships and sails, of windmills and waterwheels, and of cannons and gunpowder gave them a decisive advantage over the Indians.

All of these skills made the invaders better soldiers and gave them better instruments of war. Indian metallurgy lacked the variety of the Old World's and was directed mostly toward decoration rather than tools of production or war. The European invaders, however, had learned to make steel into swords and lances and to cast metal cannons, which they mounted on wheels to be pulled by animals. The Indians still fought with arrows and spears tipped with stone, and they had no war machine more sophisticated than a simple atlatl or spear thrower.

Together with their animals and machines, the Europeans brought horrendous epidemic diseases that had been unknown to the New World. These diseases traveled through the Indian population faster than through the European. By the time the Europeans arrived in Tenochtitlan or Cuzco or on the plains of North America, their microbes had preceded them and thoroughly decimated and weakened the native population.

The Indian civilizations crumbled in the face of the Old World not because of any intellectual or cultural inferiority. They simply succumbed in the face of disease and brute strength. While the American Indians had spent millennia becoming the world's greatest farmers and pharmacists, the people of the Old World had spent a similar period amassing the world's greatest arsenal of weapons. The strongest, but not necessarily the most creative or the most intelligent, won the day.

The inevitable defeat of Indian groups such as the Yuqui seemed so overwhelming and so final that in the process we have overlooked the contributions that they made to the world. They mined the gold and silver that made capitalism possible. Working in the mines and mints and in the plantations with the African slaves, they started the industrial revolution that then spread to Europe and on around the world. They supplied the cotton, rubber, dyes, and related chemicals that fed this new system of production. They domesticated and developed the hundreds of varieties of corn, potatoes, cassava, and peanuts that now feed much of the world. They discovered the curative powers of quinine, the anesthetizing ability of coca, and the potency of a thousand other drugs, which made possible modern medicine and pharmacology. The drugs together with their improved agriculture made possible the population explosion of the last several centuries. They developed and refined a form of democracy that has been haphazardly and inadequately adopted in many parts of the world. They were the true colonizers of America who cut the trails through the jungles and deserts, made the roads, and built the cities upon which modern America is based.

Over the past five hundred years, human beings have sculpted a new worldwide society, a new political and economic order as well as a new demographic and agricultural order. Indians played the decisive roles in each step to create this new society. Sometimes they acted as prime movers, other times they played equal roles with a set of actors, and sometimes they were mere victims.

But in all cases they acted as necessary although not sufficient causes. Somewhere in the telling of modern history, the writing of the novels, the construction of textbooks and instructional programs, attention drifted away from the contribution of the Indians to the heroic stories of explorers and conquistadores, the moral lessons of missionaries, the political struggles of the colonists, the great and impersonal movements of European history, the romance of the cowboy. The modern world order came to be viewed as the product of European, not American, history. The Americans became bit players, and only their role as pathetic victims remained visible.

The Indians, such as the woman crouched before me, disintegrated into peripheral people. They became little more than beggars on the world scene, pleading for food, for the redress of land and treaty rights, for some attention. In ignoring the Indian cultures, however, we are doing far more than merely slighting the American Indians of their earned place in history. We may be hurting ourselves because of what we have all lost.

In staring at that ancient woman from the time before the white man came, I could not help but wonder what practical knowledge we were losing with her impending death. Through grubbing in the woods did she know of some plant that might serve as a key to feeding the starving masses in the tropics? From poking in ponds and bogs did she know of a concoction that might cure multiple sclerosis? From countless nights under the stars did she know of some weather-forecasting device that we had missed, or did she know something about the anatomy of the night birds that helped them to see through the dark? Had she incorporated something into her diet that prevented stomach cancer? Did her language have the capacity to express some idea more easily than ours, or could it help in the writing of new computer codes? She lived in an environment that few people in the world have ever been able to survive. What knowledge did she have that made that possible? How did she survive for so long in a place that would kill most of us within days? Soon after my visit the old woman died, and now we may never know.

When she died a treasure of information went with her, for she was one of the last Yuquis to live their traditional life. In losing her and the Yuqui culture, we lose more than just a small band of people. We lose a whole world view, for each culture creates the world in a different way with unique knowledge, unique words, and unique understandings. While most of this cultural knowledge may be of no importance to us today, we have no idea what value it may yet hold for our children in generations to come. For centuries our ancestors saw no value in the potato or rubber or the Huron concoction of vitamin C to cure scurvy, but in time all of these came to have important roles to play.

The world has yet to utilize fully the gifts of the American Indians. Hundreds of plants such as amaranth and quinoa are hardly even known, much less fully utilized. Who knows how many more plants might be out there waiting to serve humans? We still do not understand the complex mathematical systems of the Mayas and the sophisticated geometric science of the Aztecs. Who knows what completely different systems of computation and calculation now lie buried in the adobe of Arizona or beneath the rocks of Inkallajta? The civilizations of Mexico and Guatemala developed a more accurate calendar than the one used in Europe, but it took decades of work for us to understand its superiority. Who knows what additional knowledge they had about the stars, the planets, the comets, and who knows how much knowledge still lies locked in the stone monuments yet to be discovered in thejungles of Guatemala or Belize?

We often know even less about the millions of American Indians surviving today, speaking their language and preserving at least some of their traditional cultural knowledge. The Quechuas of Bolivia, the Crees of Canada, the Guaranis of Paraguay, the Yanomamos of Venezuela, the Hopis of the United States, the Zapotecs of Mexico, the Sumus of Nicaragua, the Guajiros of Colombia, the Shuars of Ecuador, the Mayas of Guatemala, the Cunas of Panama, the Shavantes of Brazil, and a thousand other Indian nations are not dead. Theyare only ignored.

In the five hundred years since Columbus's voyage to America, the people of the world have benefited greatly from the American Indians, but the world may have lost even more than it gained. Some information that died with the old Yuqui woman and with the hundreds of exterminated tribes, nations, and cities may be lost forever. Some of it may be retrieved by coming generations of scholars who have the opportunity to study our past. Sadly however, we know much more about the building of the pyramids of Egypt, thousands of miles and years from us, than we know about the pyramid builders of the Mississippi. We know more about the language of the long-gone Hittites than we do about the still-living Quechua speakers descended from the Incas. We know more about the poetry of the ancient Chinese than about the poems of the Nahuatls. We can decipher the clay tablets of Mesopotamia better than we can the stone tablets of Mesoamerica. We understand the medical practices of ancient Babylon better than those of the living Dakotas. We understand more about the interbreeding of the Angles and the Saxons than we do about the mixing of the Indians in America with the European and African immigrants. We know more about the Greeks' mythological tribe of Amazons than we know about the dying Yuquis of the Amazon. The history and culture of America remains a mystery, still terra incognita after five hundred years.

Columbus arrived in the New World in 1492, but America has yet to be discovered.


Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/

Wednesday, November 02, 2005

Passive Driving

Why are we still exposed to pollution that kills 39,000 a year?

by George Monbiot

Published in the Guardian (November 01 2005)


It was fudged - stupidly and unnecessarily fudged - but at least they tried. The ban on smoking in pubs, though gutted by the prime minister's cowardice, will save some fraction of the bar staff who die every year as a result of passive smoking. The moral case is clear: people are being exposed to a risk for which they have not volunteered. While smokers have an undisputed right to kill themselves, they have no right to kill other people. This case being generally applicable, what does the government intend to do about passive driving?

Every year, according to a paper published by the British Medical Journal, some 54 bar staff in the United Kingdom die as a result of their exposure to other people's cigarette smoke. {1} And every year, according to the European Union, some 39,000 deaths in this country are caused or hastened by air pollution, most of which comes from vehicles. {2} This is a problem three orders of magnitude greater than the one which has filled the newspapers for the past six months, and no one is talking about it.

It is true to say that our air, like that of most parts of the rich world, is much cleaner than it used to be. Since the great smog of 1952 forced the government to legislate, since coal gave way to gas and factories fitted filters to their chimneys, acute pollution crises of the kind which once killed thousands in a couple of days have not recurred. (Our nostalgia for the London peasouper, like the uproar over the disappearance of the Routemaster bus, betrays one of our national weaknesses: a romantic attachment to pollution.) Between 1992 and 2000, traffic fumes fell steeply. But in 2000 the decline in the most dangerous pollutant - small particles of soot - came to a halt. {3} Since then the levels have held more or less steady (with a spike in the hot summer of 2003). The British government is in breach of European rules, and the European Commission is in breach of any serious effort to do something about it. So 39,000 lives are shortened every year.

Surprisingly, passive driving strikes mostly at the heart, not the lungs. The effect is not clearly understood. According to the government's Committee on the Medical Effects of Air Pollutants, either an inflammation of the lungs makes blood more likely to clot, or the pollutants somehow change the autonomic nervous system's control of the heartbeat. Either way, the committee says, there is a convincing association between "daily average conce